Abdullah Badawi: Esteemed in the Shia Community

Islam Hadhari (Civilisational Islam), introduced on 30 January 2003 by the former prime minister of Malaysia, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, has often been associated with his efforts to cultivate moderation, alongside a focus on development and modernisation. However, one often overlooked aspect is how he worked with other Muslim countries, particularly in the Middle East, to develop this framework. This contributed significantly to the reduction of sectarianism and extremism on the global and domestic fronts. It enabled Malaysia to foster closer ties with various Muslim-majority countries, despite differences in Islamic sects. In this context, it afforded certain advantages to the Shia community in Malaysia during Abdullah Badawi’s term.

Abdullah Badawi, fondly called “Pak Lah”, died on 14 April 2025. During his tenure as Malaysia’s leader (2003-2009), he internationalised Islam Hadhari, which comprises a set of 10 progressive and moderate Islamic values. He promoted it during a dialogue with King Abdullah of Jordan in Amman in October 2005. His views were aligned with those of King Abdullah, who, at that time, was spearheading the Amman Message, launched in November 2004. The two important goals of the Amman Message were the rejection of sectarianism within the Muslim world and the cessation of the practice of declaring fellow Muslims as apostates (takfir). Abdullah Badawi was among the signatories of the message, together with many of his cabinet members.

In December 2005, he addressed the Third Extraordinary Session of the Islamic Summit Conference held in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. In his address, he stated that the Muslim ummah (community) could no longer remain in denial and that the underlying causes of its state of crisis (extremism, fanaticism, and takfir) must be comprehensively addressed. One of the key outcomes of the summit was a consensus that Muslim unity cannot be achieved through violence, as advocated by certain extremist elements. The summit also emphasised the need to promote tolerance and moderation.

Abdullah Badawi pushed hard to spread his message of moderation. In 2007, as chairman of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, he decided to elevate the outcomes of the 2005 Makkah Declaration and the 10-Year Programme of Action, which affirmed the core Islamic principles of moderation, tolerance, and peaceful co-existence. But the Amman Message did not gain significant traction as a formal diplomatic document. The takfir phenomenon flourished in the Middle East at the time, especially during Syria’s civil war.

Abdullah Badawi’s call for Muslim unity was not merely rhetorical. He demonstrated how Malaysia could effectively embody this vision to the broader Muslim world, though his efforts to de-escalate sectarianism remain largely underappreciated.

At home in Malaysia, Shia Muslims faced legalised discrimination, religious hatred, and systemic marginalisation under the guise of Islam. The central government-derived fatwa (religious legal opinion), which had banned Shi’ism and the propagation of Shia teachings in the country since 1996, had been used to justify a range of human rights violations. The state had used this fatwa, sharia (Islamic law), the religious bureaucracy, and the media to persecute the Shia.

Abdullah Badawi’s call for Muslim unity was not merely rhetorical. He demonstrated how Malaysia could effectively embody this vision to the broader Muslim world, though his efforts to de-escalate sectarianism remain largely underappreciated.

Based on the author’s research and direct interactions with the Malaysian Shia community between 2009 and 2016, many expressed appreciation for Abdullah Badawi’s administration, describing it as fair and conducive to their well-being. Some members of the Shia community told this author that despite the overall strictures on them in the country, Abdullah Badawi met some of their leaders. They also acknowledged his efforts to propagate the Amman Message and the 2007 Islamabad Declaration. The latter declared that no Sunni or Shia should be subjected to any “murder or harm”, and called on Muslims to refrain from “name-calling, abuse, prejudice, or vilification and invectives” along sectarian or ethnic lines.

Abdullah Badawi’s outreach to Shias in Malaysia extended to their brethren abroad. He demonstrated no reluctance to engage with Iran, which is regarded as the representative of the global Shia community. He visited the country in May 2005 and met with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. He had also visited Iran several times as the foreign minister and deputy prime minister.

Notably, the 2005 visit occurred several months before he met with King Abdullah in Mecca, where he adopted a pronounced anti-sectarian stance.

Abdullah Badawi returned to Iran in 2008 and engaged in bilateral discussions with then President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Ahmadinejad, in turn, visited Malaysia in 2006 and 2008. These engagements took place during the period when Iran was facing international sanctions over its nuclear programme.

Under Abdullah Badawi’s leadership, Malaysia often took a sympathetic stance towards Iran. He also maintained a firm position on issues related to Iraq, even when it entailed confronting the US. Iraq, home to a substantial Shia population, became a focal point when, in 2004, Abdullah Badawi urged the US to stop acts of violence in Najaf, one of the holiest cities in Iraq for Shia Muslims.

According to the Shias in Malaysia, this inclusive and balanced approach was not continued by Abdullah Badawi’s successor. Under Najib Razak, Malaysia’s relations with Iran deteriorated, marked by public criticism of Iran’s actions in the Middle East. This shift contributed to a surge in sectarian sentiments. Najib’s administration was considered particularly close to Saudi Arabia, Iran’s regional rival.

During Najib’s tenure, the Shia community in Malaysia faced frequent harassment, and the treatment they received was among the worst in recent history. These actions were condemned by the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia, UN Special Rapporteurs, the US Department of State, and international watchdog groups such as Shia Rights Watch. The culmination of this repression was the enforced disappearance of Amri Che Mat, a prominent Shia activist from Perlis, in 2016.

Abdullah Badawi’s leadership played a crucial role in a nation once viewed as a beacon of progressive Islam. Regrettably, it is now perceived simply as political rhetoric, with the top-down strategy failing to support the retention of Islam Hadhari.

Although current Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim is increasingly perceived as a prominent voice within the bloc of Islamic countries, he must extend his role beyond voicing concerns about the crisis in Palestine. Anwar could also act as a bridge between various Islamic nations that differ in ideological leanings, approaches to Islamic practice, and sectarian affiliations.

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