Anti-Shia Conspiracies in Malaysia: The Need to Study the End of Times

An interesting feature of the online response among some Malaysian Muslims to the recent Israel-Iran conflict has been the upsurge of anti-Shia apocalyptic narratives. One viral TikTok video sensationally alleged that Iran and Israel were using the conflict as a pretext to drop bombs and devastate the Muslim countries between them (Syria, Iraq and Jordan) and this would usher in the end of times. The video throws up a paradox: while Malaysian Muslims should generally support Iran vis-à-vis Israel, some Sunni Malaysians hold anti-Shia views, particularly among those who engage in apocalyptic thinking in which they interpret contemporary events as signs of a divinely ordained end of times.

The video garnered 1.1 million views, 28,900 likes, and 5,000 shares within five days. The message cited the views of a well-known conspiracy theorist and religious Sunni preacher Ustaz Auni Mohammad, who has been propagating the view that the end of times begins with an Iran-Israel conflict. According to him, these two countries are in cahoots to get rid of the Muslim countries between them. He adds that the Dajjal, known as the “False Messiah” in Islamic eschatology, will then emerge from Iran, a Shia-dominant country. According to Islamic teachings, the main role of the Dajjal is to lead Muslims astray before being ultimately defeated and killed by the return of the Mahdi (Messiah) and Isa (Jesus). While his eschatological beliefs are not widely held among Muslims due to his loose theology, his less-rigorous interpretations of eschatology make it resistant to definitive verification or falsification.

Ustaz Auni emphasises key messages: that Shias are untrustworthy and deviant, and Iran will conspire with the Dajjal and Israel. Since the outbreak of the Israel-Iran conflict, the teachings of Ustaz Auni have seen renewed viral attention because he seemingly predicted the conflict in the lectures he conducted two years ago. Compilation videos of his old lectures, like in Figure 1, were uploaded to YouTube days after the conflict. The most popular channel, Meet My, received over 360,000 views for these videos in less than a month. Ustaz Auni’s fringe beliefs, the virality it achieved and how it echoes across platforms reveal the salience of apocalyptic and anti-Shia beliefs among some Malaysian Muslims. Such content shapes the religious discourse and deepens sectarian suspicion.

Going Viral

Figure 1: Video Titled “Ustaz Auni’s Prediction on The Israel-Iran War, A War of The End of Times.” His videos are cut and compiled, often not showing the full sermons. Rather, it is stitched to show only the parts related to Israel and Iran.

Meet My, a YouTube channel that posts Malaysian religious teachers’ lectures, posted 14 videos over three weeks featuring the same few segments from Ustaz Auni’s lectures. On top of the views it received, it received over 600 engagements and gained around 1,400 followers from these videos. An analysis of the top comments, like those in Figure 2, underscores the salience of suspicion towards Shias among viewers, with some praising Ustaz Auni for his “bravery” in speaking up. By painting Shias as deviant and harbingers of the end times, these narratives have reinforced sectarian suspicions towards Shias while maintaining their apocalyptic aspect.

Sectarian Suspicions

Figure 2: There are many comments on YouTube about the reuploaded videos of Ustaz Auni’s lectures. The majority of them are laden with emotions, ranging from praise of Ustaz Auni, the expression of fear about the end times, or the sharing of distrust towards Shias. 

Such anti-Shia and apocalyptic responses online do not represent the sentiment of the majority towards the Iran-Israel conflict; others have expressed solidarity with Iran and strongly condemned Israel’s attacks. Thus, online sentiment on the Iran-Israel conflict appears to be divided. On X, tweets expressing support for Iran have received significant engagements by ministers, celebrities, and ordinary Malaysians. The most engaged tweet referencing the conflict was by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, where he publicly supported Iran’s right to defend itself. It received 1,800 retweets, 5,700 likes and 500,000 views.

Similarly, there were also many other tweets with a high number of engagements that expressed suspicions about the Shias’ role in the conflict and linked them to the apocalyptic narrative. As seen in Figure 3, some were blunt in their suspicions. They labelled Shias as “enemies” and alleged that they spread “deception curated by The Deceiver, Dajjal”. Hence, both perspectives supporting and criticising Iran are as prevalent online, and it is difficult to determine which holds greater dominance.

Conflicted about Israel-Iran Conflict

Figure 3: Top posts on X also reflect the prevalence of suspicion and doubt toward Shias, as seen by the high number of views and engagements. The top post shares how blunt Malaysian Muslims can be in their disapproval of Shias. The bottom highlights the dilemma some experience in supporting Iran against Israel.

Nonetheless, Malaysian netizens’ warm reception of Ustaz Auni’s polemic underscores the country’s strict position against the Muslim sect. There has been little official scrutiny or intervention to prevent the viral spread of such anti-Shia views largely because Malaysia, being a predominantly Sunni Muslim country, has generally taken a tough stance against Shi’ism. In 1996, Malaysia’s Fatwa Committee for Religious Affairs issued a landmark religious opinion (fatwa) that branded Shi’ism as deviant. Labelling Shi’ism as deviant, despite much of its recognition in the Muslim world, is non-violent extremism and reinforces the longstanding prejudice against Shias. As recently as 2024, the Kedah Islamic Religious Affairs Department raided private Shia worship places and arrested their practitioners.

… apocalyptic beliefs are not fringe but widespread in Malaysia. Many Malaysian Muslims perceive the end of times as an imminent reality, and not a distant or abstract event.

Previous studies have exhibited the extent of Malaysian Muslims’ salience towards apocalyptic thinking. A 2012 Pew Research Centre Survey revealed that 62 per cent of Malaysians expected the eschatological emergence of the Mahdi in their lifetimes, compared to 23 per cent of Indonesians. The survey, however, did not explore the underlying reasons behind their responses. Nonetheless, it suggests that apocalyptic beliefs are not fringe but widespread in Malaysia. Many Malaysian Muslims perceive the end of times as an imminent reality, and not a distant or abstract event.

Both Sunnis and Shi‘as engage in varied forms of apocalyptic thinking, but Malaysian Sunnis display a greater appetite for such content. This enables religious figures like Ustaz Auni to build influence and livelihood through books and lectures centred on apocalyptic conspiracy theories. Malaysian Muftis have not intervened; this is likely due to perceptions that Ustaz Auni is seen as marginal. In addition, the state tacitly permits such content, as evidenced by his collaborations with state-affiliated preachers in conferences about apocalyptic thinking.

Muslim groups driven by apocalyptic thinking have posed threats to Malaysia, such as in 2018 when terrorist cell group Ar Rayah planned smoke bomb attacks in Melaka and in 2012 when a man went on a rampage with a samurai sword. Meanwhile, such conspiracy theory videos also enflame religious tensions and sectarian suspicions among Malaysian Muslims. Promoting “alternative” news under the guise of Islamic teachings leads to the erosion of trust, an increase in cynicism, and disengagement from factual news and the current political landscape.

In sum, significant gaps remain in the literature to deal with Malaysian Muslim apocalyptic thinking, especially those driven by anti-Shia prejudice. Currently, the literature lacks firsthand insights about apocalyptic mindsets and the factors shaping them. Hence, an anthropological approach should be considered when trying to understand apocalyptic thinking and its drivers. This can be achieved through sincere engagements, including through interviews and ethnography.

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