Can National Parties Outshine Local Champions in Sabah?
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National parties exert a pull on pragmatic Sabah voters under complex circumstances, which is hard for local parties to contend with.
The ongoing debates among political elites in Sabah centre on the belief that the state should be led by local parties, perceived as more capable of serving Sabah’s interests and advocating for the rights and autonomies enshrined in the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). However, the nature of Sabah politics and current political circumstances are not conducive for local parties to undermine the influence of national parties and become dominant players like Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) in Sarawak.
Sabah’s political landscape is more open and less insulated from Peninsular Malaysia’s politics, creating an environment where national parties can flourish. The pragmatic attitude of Sabah voters and the state’s reliance on national parties and the federal government for political stability and economic development further complicate the position of local parties.
It is important to distinguish between local and national parties (Table 1 and Table 2). Local parties are those formed in Sabah with issues pertinent to their respective states as their main policy platforms. National parties, formed in Peninsular Malaysia with state chapters in Sabah, focus on issues related to the country as a whole as part of their broader policy agenda.
Despite their origins, national parties in Sabah often address state-specific issues and operate with a degree of autonomy, though this autonomy is sometimes debated. For instance, questions have been raised about Sabah Barisan Nasional’s (BN) autonomy when it was decided that only the central BN leadership could determine whether Sabah BN would go it alone or form alliances in the next state election.
Table 1 Local Parties in Sabah
| Party | Coalition | No. of State Seats | No. of Parliamentary Seats | Key Leader |
| Parti Gagasan Rakyat (Gagasan or PGRS) | Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) | 26 | 4 | Hajiji Noor |
| Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) | Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) | 7 | 1 | Joachim Gunsalam |
| Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku (STAR) | Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) | 6 | 1 | Jeffrey Kitingan |
| Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP) | Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) | 1 (Nominated) | – | Yong Teck Lee |
| Parti Harapan Rakyat Sabah (PHRS) | Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) | 1 | – | Liew Yun Fah |
| Parti Cinta Sabah (PCS) | Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) | – | – | Anifah Aman |
| Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah (PBRS) | Barisan National (BN) | – | 1 | Arthur Kurup |
| United Progressive Kinabalu Organisation (UPKO) | Pakatan Harapan (PH) | 1 | 2 | Ewon Benedict |
| Parti Kesejahteraan Demokratik Masyarakat (KDM) | Standalone | 2 | 1 | Peter Anthony |
| Parti Warisan (Warisan) | Standalone | 14 | 3 | Shafie Apdal |
Table 2 National Parties in Sabah
| Party | Coalition | No. of State Seats | No. of Parliamentary Seats | Key Leader |
| United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) | Barisan National (BN) | 13 | 6 | Bung Mokhtar |
| Democratic Action Party (DAP) | Pakatan Harapan (PH) | 4 | 2 | Frankie Poon Ming Fung |
| Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) | Pakatan Harapan (PH) | 2 | 1 | Mustapha Sakmud |
| Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) | Perikatan Nasional (PN) | 1 (Nominated) | – | Mohd Aminuddin Aling |
| Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) | Perikatan Nasional (PN) | – | 1 | Ronald Kiandee |
The relationship between local and national parties in Sabah has seen its highs and lows, fluctuating between collaboration and conflict. The perception of national parties as “colonisers” complicates their relationship with local parties. For example, Pejuang, a party formed by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in 2020, expressed willingness to work with political parties in Sabah, including those in government, “if it can bring added value to their support”.
The perception of national parties as “colonisers” complicates their relationship with local parties.
However, GRS leaders were lukewarm to this idea and expressed a preference to work with PH. This response reflects the strong sentiment against national parties, often referred to as “parti Malaya” in Sabah. Nonetheless, attempts to foster anti-Peninsular feelings have been countered by BN chairman Zahid Hamidi and PH president Anwar Ibrahim during their recent visits to Sabah.
During the Sabah BN Convention on 21 July this year, Zahid emphasised that state leaders invited UMNO and BN to Sabah not as colonisers but to bring unity and progress. At the same convention, Sabah BN chairman Bung Mokhtar criticised those who undermined parties from the Peninsular, arguing that Sabah’s poverty, for instance, was due to the failure of local parties in administering the state. Speaking at a PKR gathering on 4 August, Anwar chastised critics of the federal government for showing self-interest rather than genuine concern for Sabah. He urged PKR to “rise” in Sabah, hinting at the necessity of close cooperation with the federal government for development.
Despite strong anti-federal sentiments and the promotion of local parties by Sabah’s political elites, it is unlikely that these sentiments alone will significantly weaken the presence of well-established national parties.
UMNO, in particular, has had a long-standing presence in Sabah since 1991, with strong machinery and loyal supporters, especially in Muslim Bumiputera areas. It ruled the state from 1994 to 2018, during which it cemented its support among these voters. As part of its strategy to gain the support of Sabah’s non-Muslim communities, especially the Kadazandusun (the largest ethnic group in Sabah) and Murut, UMNO opened its membership to them, distinguishing itself from UMNO in Peninsular Malaysia, widely seen as only for the Malay/Muslim community.
Similarly, PKR has been active in Sabah since the Reformasi era in 1999, with fluctuating electoral performance but maintaining a significant presence, particularly among urban voters, professionals and young voters. Its breakthrough came in the 2008 general election, when it garnered significant popular votes, especially in the Kadazandusun and Chinese areas, even surpassing local parties.
However, PH’s success hinges on appointing credible leaders who understand Sabah’s unique political characteristics and have the personality to garner widespread support. Addressing critical issues such as economic and infrastructure development, poverty, employment, federal-state relations and MA63 will also be crucial for its success.
The pragmatic attitude of Sabah voters is another critical factor supporting the continuation of national parties’ influence. Sabah voters exhibit a preference for political stability and practical governance solutions over partisan loyalty. Sabah’s political landscape is characterised by fluid alliances and frequent shifts in power. This instability makes voters more inclined to support established national parties that can offer a semblance of stability.
Lastly, the reliance on national parties for political stability and the fulfilment of the MA63 makes it challenging for local parties in Sabah to detach completely from federal control. The dependence on federal support for economic and infrastructural development further complicates the position of local parties. Sabah’s political elites understand that achieving significant progress on issues like MA63 requires cooperation with the federal government, especially with shifting political coalitions.
This dynamic makes it challenging for local parties to advocate for complete autonomy without risking the necessary federal support. Anwar understands this dynamic, which is why he boldly admonishes state leaders who criticise him openly, particularly regarding the 40 per cent revenue entitlement to Sabah. Compared to GPS in Sarawak, GRS is relatively weaker, holding only six seats in the national parliament, whereas GPS holds 23 seats, limiting GRS’s leverage to extract concessions from federal leaders.
Furthermore, GRS lacks a unifying party like Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) in GPS in Sarawak. GRS does not have the cohesion seen in GPS, which benefits from strong leadership under Sarawak’s Premier Abang Jo and its robust promotion of “Sarawak First”.
Despite persistent calls for national parties to step back and the promotion of local parties as champions of Sabah’s unique interests, national parties continue to exert considerable influence in the state. Coupled with Sabah voters’ pragmatic preferences for stability and development, the state’s dependence on federal support, particularly in addressing critical issues like the MA63, further cements the role of national parties.
While local parties may gain momentum in advocating for greater autonomy, they are unlikely to displace the established presence of national parties, such as UMNO and PKR, which have deep-rooted connections and a proven ability to garner electoral support. Far from being underdogs, national parties are poised to maintain their significant role in shaping Sabah’s political trajectory, making it challenging for local parties to emerge as the dominant force in the state.
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Arnold Puyok is an Associate Senior Fellow at ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute. He is a Senior Lecturer in Politics and Government Studies at the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS).
