Indonesia’s Nahdlatul Ulama in Turmoil

Indonesia’s Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country’s largest Islamic organisation, is facing its worst organisational crisis in years as it navigates the changing political landscape under the Prabowo Subianto administration. The crisis has culminated in the apparent ousting of its chairperson, Yahya Cholil Staquf (Gus Yahya), by NU’s Supreme Council (syuriyah). The Council cited as their reasons Gus Yahya’s controversial engagement of a known supporter of Israel’s government and alleged financial mismanagement.

The leadership crisis largely stems from Gus Yahya’s attempt to build closer ties with President Prabowo; the latter has allegedly sought to purge or co-opt his predecessor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s powerful allies from Indonesia’s establishment.

The Council stated in a letter circulated on Indonesian social media that Gus Yahya had been removed after he failed to resign within three days of receiving an earlier letter outlining his supposed breaches of NU regulations. This letter, dated 20 November, alleged that he tarnished NU’s reputation by inviting Peter Berkowitz, a staunch supporter of Israel, to speak at a leadership training session for NU cadres. The letter noted that this decision was made during Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza, which contradicted NU’s values. It cited financial mismanagement as another incriminating factor.

Gus Yahya has refused to step down, saying the letter authorising his dismissal was illegitimate because he did not sign it (as NU chairperson). The organisation’s constitution, according to NU executives, requires such decisions to be signed by two leaders each from the syuriyah and NU’s executive body (tanfidziyah) and that it is done collectively at an extraordinary congress. As the crisis deepened last week, Gus Yahya met several senior kyais (leaders of Islamic boarding schools, pesantrens) and reshuffled key officials in the tandfidziyah. He relegated Secretary General Syaifullah Yusuf (Gus Ipul) and Treasurer Gudfan Arif to less important roles (that is, members of the NU headquarters (PBNU) executive body). 

In response, NU Supreme Leader (Rois ‘Aam) Miftachul Akhyar (Kyai Miftach) held a press conference on 30 November, affirming his decision to oust Gus Yahya. Kyai Miftach said that NU would hold an extraordinary congress to elect Gus Yahya’s successor.

Thus, NU is split into two major competing factions: one led by Gus Yahya and the other by Kyai Miftach, now serving as a caretaker. 

While Gus Yahya’s defiance may prolong his grip on power, a fresh challenge from senior figures within NU, particularly the top syuriyah leaders, including Kyai Miftach, reflects Yahya’s waning legitimacy and growing dissatisfaction among NU rank-and-file.

The endgame remains speculative but whatever the outcome, it will have ramifications far beyond NU.

This crisis could be the beginning of the end for the NU Rembang faction’s dominance. Gus Yahya is a main figure of this faction, a group of prominent NU figures from Rembang regency, Central Java, which included Cholil Bisri (1942-2004), founder of pesantren Raudlatut Thalibin and the main NU figure in the United Development Party (PPP) during Suharto’s New Order. Cholil Bisri was Gus Yahya’s father and the older brother of another influential NU figure, Ahmad Mustofa Bisri (Gus Mus). 

This crisis could determine NU’s political trajectory under Prabowo. Unlike Jokowi, Prabowo does not need NU as a major source of support in representing Islamic moderation because Prabowo is not under threat from Islamist elements. That said, the president may still depend on NU to prop up his more controversial policies.

Throughout its history, NU has been no stranger to infighting, given its size and influence: Indonesia’s political elites have often had stakes in its leadership choices, especially as national elections approach. This has fuelled competition and antagonism among NU’s major factions, as was seen when the National Awakening Party (PKB), the main political vehicle of NU members in the immediate post-Suharto era, was established.

In 2021, during NU’s 34th national congress, the Rembang faction faced off against the PKB-linked faction, then represented by then Chairman Said Aqil Siradj. At that time, Said Aqil accused then President Jokowi of intervening in NU’s leadership race on behalf of Gus Yahya, who was broadly seen as Jokowi’s ally.

The current conflict between Gus Yahya and Kyai Miftach cannot be detached from the high politics of the oligarchic elite. Disputes among NU elites, particularly between Gus Yahya and Gus Ipul (who is close to Kyai Miftach), over who should manage NU’s coal mining concession in East Kalimantan, apparently triggered this episode.

The concession covers 26,000 hectares of coal mines once operated by PT Kaltim Prima Coal (KPC), a subsidiary of Bakrie Group’s Bumi Resources. Gus Yahya reportedly planned to break NU’s agreement with a company linked to PT Adaro Energy founder Garibaldi “Boy” Thohir (brother of State-owned Enterprises Minister Erick Thohir) to hand over the mines’ operation to Hasyim Djojohadikusumo, President Prabowo’s younger brother. NU executive Ulil Abshar Abdalla, also from the Rembang group, said that Gus Yahya wanted to hand over the mining operation to a “more powerful” politician.

Gus Yahya’s decision to approach the Prabowo camp came when Yahya’s younger brother, Yaqut Cholil Qoumas (religious affairs minister under Jokowi), was implicated in a graft case surrounding Indonesia’s ‘special hajj’ quota policy. The Supreme Council may consider Gus Yahya a political liability, given his problematic ties to Berkowitz and his tendency to draw NU into practical politics. Yet the Kyai Miftach camp has dismissed claims that the alleged dispute over NU’s coal mine concessions was behind its attempt to remove Gus Yahya. Other factions within NU will consider that Gus Yahya’s potential downfall will be a boon for the PKB faction; the PKB is led by Muhaimin Iskandar (Cak Imin), Prabowo’s coordinating minister for social empowerment.

It is unlikely that Prabowo will intervene in this power struggle, but the president will favour whichever faction that best serves his strategic interests. Media reports indicate that the National Police also have a stake in this conflict, with several provincial NU officers told not to attend Gus Yahya’s meetings. The endgame remains speculative but whatever the outcome, it will have ramifications far beyond NU.

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