Malaysia’s Evolving Monarchy: Adaptation and Expansion Amid Uncertainty
Published
The monarchy in Malaysia has in recent years expanded its influence and agency. At the same time, expectations of the institution have also evolved.
Monarchies endure not by remaining static, but by adapting to changing political and social conditions. The monarchy in Malaysia is no exception. Long a custodian of Malay identity and a ceremonial pillar of the nation, it has responded to unprecedented political uncertainty by moving beyond its traditional role. As if to underscore the shift, Sultan Ibrahim of Johor — who took the throne in 2024 — has rejected the idea of being a “puppet king” and embraced a more hands-on approach to governance and economic affairs. The monarchy’s growing assertiveness has filled a void left by political uncertainty. This shift, however, raises complex questions about its evolving role and the scrutiny that accompanies greater influence.
The federal Constitution confines the monarchy to a primarily ceremonial role with limited — albeit sometimes challenged — discretionary powers, such as appointing the prime minister in accordance with parliamentary advice. One unique feature is that the king serves a five-year term, selected on a rotational basis from the rulers of nine Malay states. This has further constrained the throne’s personalistic influence, preventing the long-term consolidation of extra-constitutional authority seen in monarchies where rulers can reign for decades, as in Thailand under King Bhumibol, for example.
That has not prevented occasional interventions, such as during the 2009 Perak crisis, when the state’s sultan facilitated a government change following defections from the ruling coalition. But two political crises in the turbulent years following Barisan Nasional’s 2018 defeat profoundly reshaped the monarchy’s role. The 2020 Sheraton Move triggered the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government, creating an impasse that left no governing majority until King Abdullah mediated a path forward. Two years later, the 2022 General Election produced Malaysia’s first-ever hung parliament, resolved only when the king brokered the formation of Anwar Ibrahim’s unity government. In both cases, royal intervention helped stabilise political vacuums unseen during six decades of UMNO-led dominance.
Thus, Sultan Ibrahim’s ascension came at a pivotal moment for both the monarchy and the country. There are similarities between him and his predecessor, Sultan Abdullah, particularly in their focus on political stability. Beyond mediating government formation in 2020 and 2022, Sultan Abdullah publicly admonished politicians for prioritising partisan interests over national stability. Sultan Ibrahim has continued the trend, criticising rumours of opposition moves to unseat Anwar’s government. Whether these interventions contravened the Constitution’s principle that the monarchy remain above politics, they provided a stabilising force that could appear as a natural extension of its intent.
In other areas, Sultan Ibrahim diverges somewhat from his predecessors. As ruler of Johor, he was known for his direct style, frequently summoning the Chief Minister to discuss policy, independent of formal authority. The Johor royal family’s vast fortune, spanning major real estate projects and stakes in public and private companies, is also notable. While royal families often control substantial assets, Sultan Ibrahim’s involvement in commercial ventures is especially hands-on and publicly visible. During a state visit to China in November, for instance, he sought investment for infrastructure projects across Malaysia, particularly a high-speed rail passing through his state. He also proposed that the rail’s border crossing be placed in Forest City, a troubled mega project where he holds significant stakes. More recently, his significant interests in U Mobile were noted when the company secured a coveted 5G spectrum, despite being the smallest of the three firms considered. There is no suggestion of impropriety in either case, but they illustrate how the combination of extensive financial interests and active role in economic affairs can leave the line between public duty and private business blurred.
Malaysia has experienced seismic political and social shifts in recent years. In this turbulence, the monarchy has emerged as a force for continuity, stability, and counterbalance — a role some Malaysians, frustrated by both paralysis and upheaval, have embraced.
Sultan Ismail has pushed the boundaries of convention in other areas as well, suggesting that the state oil giant Petronas and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission report directly to him. While that proposal gained little traction, his outspokenness on social issues has shaped the tone of public discussion. As Sultan of Johor, for example, he rebuked a laundromat operator that restricted services to Muslim customers, calling for inclusivity over religious segregation. More recently, he cautioned against exploiting religious sensitivities for political gain during the KK Mart “Allah” sock controversy. By openly challenging exclusivist tendencies and endorsing diversity, the monarchy acts as a counterweight to some forms of social polarisation and complicates the assumption that royal institutions — whose authority is deeply tied to tradition — are invariably conservative on social issues.
Malaysia has experienced seismic political and social shifts in recent years. In this turbulence, the monarchy has emerged as a force for continuity, stability, and counterbalance — a role some Malaysians, frustrated by both paralysis and upheaval, have embraced. But its growing prominence is not without potential tension and contradiction.
The focus on Sultan Ibrahim demonstrates one dimension: as the monarchy’s influence expands, so too does the importance of the king’s individual attributes. Given that term limits ensure regular transitions — and health or other circumstances can sometimes precipitate abrupt departures — the individual monarch becomes an additional variable in an already complex political landscape.
Then there is the monarchy’s relationship with the people and political elite. Malay rulers have long commanded deference through a careful mix of dignity, distance, and paternalistic authority, reinforced by legal constraints on criticism. That balance has endured in part because rulers exercised restraint, avoiding direct confrontation and sustained public exposure. A monarchy that stretches those norms expands its agency and influence at a time of continued uncertainty. But with that invariably comes greater scrutiny — public and political — of a kind the institution is unaccustomed to. After all, when institutions assert greater influence, the expectations placed upon them evolve as well.
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Kai Ostwald is an Associate Professor in the School of Public Policy and Global Affairs at the University of British Columbia, and the Director of UBC’s Institute of Asian Research. He is an Associate Senior Fellow of the Malaysia Studies Programme at ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute.









