Malaysia’s Identity Politics Will Perpetuate Exclusivity If Left Unchecked

Some observers contend that the outcome of Malaysia’s 15^th General Election (GE15) demonstrated a rising tide towards right-wing conservatism. GE15 saw the Malay-Islamist coalition Perikatan Nasional (PN), especially the Islamist PAS, make numerous electoral gains. PN saw its vote share increase from 30.12% in GE15 to 50.15% in the six state elections (PRN 2023) held in August. In 2023, peninsular Malaysia witnessed five by-elections with PN’s vote share increasing for all constituencies, especially for the Kemaman seat in Terengganu’s by-election on 2 December 2023 (Table 1).  

Table 1. Votes, Malaysia’s GE15 and 2023 By-elections

Several hypotheses have been proposed for this shift: the general disenchantment with the Malay political establishment represented by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the widespread usage of TikTok to spread misinformation, and low political literacy among the youth. In addition, PN’s sustained use of Islam and identity politics contributed to its outstanding showing. For example, in the Kemaman by-election campaign, Muhyiddin Yassin used religious rhetoric to claim that UMNO members who left the party would be rewarded since their actions were equivalent to the Prophet Muhammad’s hijrah (migration) to Madinah (Medina).

Malaysia has witnessed conservative indoctrination and mobilisation initiatives for several decades. Among the factors for growing conservatism are religious educators’ exposure to stricter interpretations of puritan Salafism that seeks to eliminate so-called heretical developments in Islamic customs, the increasing role of the religious bureaucracy, that is, the Department of Islamic Development (JAKIM), and the influence of Islamist civil society organisations such as Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM). Since previous UMNO administrations were responsible for directing the Islamisation project in the country, PAS was seen as redundant and even extreme for suggesting a further move towards a so-called Islamic state.

The rising tide of political polarisation in Malaysia as evidenced by the by-election results is a pressing concern that demands proactive and concerted efforts from all segments of society.

However, PAS’ participation in the federal government between 2020 and 2022 has enhanced the party’s legitimacy. Decades of conservative indoctrination and mobilisation in Malaysia have paved the way for PAS to claim itself as the voice of the Malay-Muslims, since Islam has become the most important factor for the Malay community’s political behaviour.

In the 2022 election, identity politics helped PN to finish second to Pakatan Harapan (PH) for seats won and votes received. It is not surprising that the coalition continued with this strategy in 2023. During the Pulai and Simpang Jeram campaigns, Bersatu’s Muhyiddin Yassin touched on religious sentiment by alleging that voting for the PH candidate was a sin. With a Merdeka Centre poll showing that Muslim youth consider Islam to be significant in public life, Malays are arguably susceptible to religious rhetoric. Religious symbolism in public becomes a cue for political decision-making. Among the three main Malay-based parties, PAS won 42 seats in GE15 compared to Bersatu’s 31 and UMNO’s 26, showing an obvious shift among the Malays to religion-based political parties.

Even the Anwar Ibrahim-led Unity Government is using a form of identity politics to out-Islamise the opposition. Anwar introduced the Madani framework with a focus on inclusivity. However, by basing Madani on the Islamic concept of Maqasid Al-Shariah, which focuses on achieving broader goals of welfare in Islamic jurisprudence, Anwar too relies on an Islamic identity for acceptance. Yet, unlike PAS’ more direct interpretation of Islamism and religious law, Madani is too abstract for the masses.

If political elites fail to confront the issue, Malaysia is at risk of further polarisation and right-wing populism which will, in turn, restrict the liberties of non-Muslim citizens. Political polarisation affects not only the functioning of government and its institutions but also the everyday lives of Malaysian citizens. To illustrate, a non-Muslim worker who wore a crucifix necklace to work was fired while working at a Chinese Muslim restaurant. Some in the Malay community accused the restaurant of deceiving patrons by allowing that worker to wear a Malay songkok. This has stirred up a discourse on the rights of non-Muslims to employment even though the job had no bearing on the practice of Islam.

A polarised political environment hinders constructive dialogue, stifles compromise, and breeds an “us versus them” mentality, perpetuating mistrust and division. It engenders policy paralysis and weakens government capacity to address pressing national issues. For example, Parliament has spent time debating organising concerts and nurses’ uniforms in sessions meant to focus on the federal budget and health White Paper. The opposition brought the former issues up because they were considered as priorities for their conservative voters.

The rising tide of political polarisation in Malaysia as evidenced by the by-election results is a pressing concern that demands proactive and concerted efforts from all segments of society. While PN has the right to claim democratic victory, PN’s leaders should use their immense responsibility to celebrate Malaysia’s diversity instead of going down the rabbit hole of right-wing populism by equating PH with Israel at a time when emotions are running high with the ongoing Israel-Hamas war. Unfortunately, these comments have divided people along partisan lines, with Amanah, a component party of the government, lodging a police report alleging that those comments are slanderous.

There is a significant likelihood that PN will continue to wrestle with the Unity Government on race and religion. The primary repercussion may not be political realignment but the exacerbating of exclusionary religious and racial attitudes within society.  

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