Malaysia’s Ongoing Opposition Leadership Struggle: Spoiled for Choice?

Malaysia’s political system is not a presidential one, and is instead based on the Westminster model; but there is an increasing tendency for its parties to want to name a presidential-style “poster boy”. This is partly due to the charismatic personality of the incumbent prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim, which makes political contests in Malaysia a battle of personalities rather than policies.

But beyond that, it also speaks to the internal jockeying that is taking place within the different coalitions to have certain leaders anointed as their prime ministerial candidate before the general election due by late 2027. This is because, due to Malaysia’s fractious politics, it does not appear as though a single party or coalition can score an outright win. For some, securing a pre-electoral commitment from coalition partners on a PM candidate can provide greater certainty to voters and avoid post-electoral disagreements which could end up paralysing the Malaysian government.

As far as the ruling Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition is concerned, there is no question about their “poster boy”. They are clear that they want Anwar to have a second term. PH’s partner coalitions in the ruling Unity Government have remained silent. This includes Barisan Nasional (BN), led by the United Malay National Organization (UMNO), and the blocs from Sarawak and Sabah. PH will need to seek a pre-electoral understanding with their partners that Anwar will have his second term, especially if the results of the next general election are similar to the status quo.

On the opposition side, contention within the Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition are getting extremely heated. This has everything to do with the “poster boy” issue. While former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin has remained as the official leader of PN and his own party, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), he is facing challenges from within his party as well as his coalition partner, the Islamic party, Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS).

After the last general election in 2022, it appeared as though Muhyiddin was ready to take a back seat. Bersatu Deputy President (then Secretary-General) Hamzah Zainuddin was selected as Leader of the Opposition in Parliament. Muhyiddin also became preoccupied with corruption charges brought against him.

But before long, Muhyiddin and his supporters became increasingly wary of Hamzah’s ambitions and sought to check his rise by supporting former trade minister and one-time Anwar ally, Azmin Ali, as a competitor. The relationship between the two Bersatu camps worsened during the party election last year, with allegations of proxy battles between the Muhyiddin-Azmin and Hamzah factions.

Matters came to a head at the Bersatu annual general meeting in early September, where there was allegedly a collection of signatures from grassroots leaders to pressure Muhyiddin to hand over the reins to Hamzah and for the latter to be named as PN’s “poster boy”.

Muhyiddin used his presidential speech at the gathering to flush out the rebellion, resulting in physical altercations between both sides. The ensuing debate saw Muhyiddin loyalists rally around him and an orchestrated consensus that he would be their candidate for prime minister. Hamzah appeared to retreat strategically, even declaring his loyalty to and physically embracing Muhyiddin. Hamzah was acutely aware that while he might command significant support within Bersatu, the spectre of knifing one’s own leader in such a manner might not sit well with the general public.

Hamzah also rightly calculated that he might not even need to push Muhyiddin out himself when he can let PAS, the senior partner in the PN coalition, do it. Despite being the biggest single party in Parliament, the Islamist party has thus far been content to play second fiddle to Bersatu. While PAS governs four state governments and has had Cabinet representation in previous governments, it has largely refrained from claiming the top job.

The obsession with personalities, most of whom are ageing politicians, is robbing the country of more considered political debate about key policies for the country.

There are a few reasons that could explain this. The first is that they feel that multi-racial Malaysia may not yet be ready for an Islamist prime minister. The other is a larger concern about Western pressure if Malaysia is led by an Islamist government. PAS leaders are mindful of the experiences of Islamist leaders from the Middle East who were either ousted or had their electoral victories annulled. Finally, PAS themselves have not settled on who their “poster boy” candidate might be and whether the individual will come from their ulama or technocratic groups.

But what became clear at PAS’ annual assembly — which was held a week after Bersatu’s — is that they no longer support Muhyiddin as their PM candidate. PAS president, Hadi Awang, said on the sidelines of the meeting that the party’s prime ministerial candidate should be someone healthy under the age of 70. Muhyiddin is 78 and has been treated for cancer. Hamzah is 68. The bombshell has thrown PN into disarray.

PAS’ decision to favour Hamzah over Muhyiddin is strategic. With the King potentially playing a decisive role in determining the next prime minister in the event of a hung parliament, Hamzah is seen as someone more acceptable to the royalty. He is also, for now, devoid of the political baggage that Muhyiddin carries with his corruption case. In Hamzah, they see someone who has a better chance of returning PAS and other PN allies to power. However, with every side in Malaysian politics busy jostling over their respective ‘poster boys’, they risk missing the wood for the trees. The obsession with personalities, most of whom are ageing politicians, is robbing the country of more considered political debate about key policies for the country. As it is, PN has been criticised for not being a substantive opposition but rather relying on backroom intrigues and playing with divisive identity politics. It is wise for them to spend less time choosing whom to offer to the voter, and thinking more about what Malaysians might want from the next government.

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