Malaysia’s Progressive Islamic Party: Can Amanah Still Be Pakatan Harapan’s Counterweight to PAS?

In September 2015, a group of progressive leaders purged from Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (Parti Islam SeMalaysia, PAS) launched the National Trust Party (Amanah), betting that Malaysians wanted a moderate Islamic party focused on good governance and the protection of human dignity. Amanah was conceived as Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) Islamic counterweight to PAS, intended to enhance the coalition’s religious credentials while advancing a more progressive interpretation of political Islam. More than a decade after its formation, however, Amanah has struggled to establish a distinct value proposition for the Malay-Muslim electorate it was created to attract.  

Electorally, Amanah has performed reasonably well for a young party, but has fallen short of expectations that it could challenge PAS in its strongholds. Amanah’s best result came in the 2018 General Election (GE), when it won 11 of 27 parliamentary seats (a 41 per cent winning rate). Amanah leaders assumed prominent cabinet positions, including Defence (Mohamad Sabu), Health (Dzulkefly Ahmad) and Religious Affairs (Mujahid Yusof).

Yet in the 2022 GE, the party contested 54 seats but won only eight (a 15 per cent winning rate), and subsequent state elections in 2023, 2025 and 2026 (Figure 1) support the view that Amanah’s electoral strength is concentrated in urban and semi-urban mixed constituencies. It depends heavily on the broader PH coalition’s non-Malay support and has been unsuccessful in challenging PAS for Malay-Muslim votes in Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah, where it failed to win a single parliamentary seat.

Amanah’s diminished standing is somewhat reflected in its representation within Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s Unity Government after the 2022 GE. While the party’s reduced ministerial presence partly reflects its need to accommodate United Malays National Organization (UMNO) as a coalition partner, its exclusion from the religious affairs portfolio is notable. Neither the ministerial nor deputy ministerial post was entrusted to Amanah, despite the party’s raison d’être. Even during Anwar’s cabinet reshuffle in December 2025, Amanah remained absent from the ministry, a conspicuous omission that one Amanah youth leader described as “a slap in the party’s face”.

Figure 1: Amanah Seats (Contested vs. Won), State & General Elections 2018–2026

Election	Contested	Won	Winning (%)
2018 GE (parliamentary seats only)	27	11	41%
2021 Melaka state election	9	1	11%
2022 Johor state election	16	1	6%
2022 GE (parliamentary seats only)	54	8	15%
2023 state elections (Selangor, Kelantan, Terengganu, Negeri Sembilan, Kedah and Penang)	31	8	26%
2026 Johor state election	19	1	5%
2026 Negeri Sembilan state election	9	0	0%

Three weaknesses may explain Amanah’s troubles. First, it has a narrative deficit on flashpoints like the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) ratification (which conservatives framed as a threat to the Constitution’s Article 153 “special position” privileges to Malays and Bumiputera); the Jawi calligraphy debate (a plan to insert a few pages of Arabic-based Malay script into vernacular schools’ Bahasa Malaysia textbooks); and the “Timah” whiskey controversy. For the last issue, in 2021, PAS and Muslim activists demanded that Timah changed its name and label, claiming it mocked Fatimah (the Prophet’s daughter) and that their brand icon depicted a Muslim man, despite the maker’s explanation that it honoured colonial tin-mining history and Captain Speedy.

Amanah rarely led in advancing a progressive alternative, often allowing PAS and conservative NGOs to shape discourse. In the ICERD case, Amanah even echoed PAS’ position, opposing ICERD ratification. The same pattern happened in the Timah controversy where Amanah inadvertently reinforced conservative identity politics by recycling race-baiting narratives to attack PAS for its “silence”.

Second, Amanah is organisationally shallow while PAS commands mosque networks, schools and taska (childcare centres run by party volunteers) and welfare infrastructure built over decades. Amanah, despite claiming roughly 200,000 members, has no comparable grassroots machinery.

Third, Amanah’s dependence on PH allies has undermined its claim to be an independent alternative to PAS. Critics portray Amanah as being propped up by DAP; its limited appeal among Malay-Muslim voters was indicated by an internal survey reportedly placing Malay support at just 5 per cent. This highlights the gap between Amanah’s progressive ambitions and true electoral reach.

A decade after its formation, Amanah has yet to become the electoral counterweight to PAS that its founders envisaged.

Amanah now faces the challenge of managing its first leadership transition, with party president Mohamad Sabu serving his final term, originally due to end in 2026, but which the party agreed to extend until after the next GE. The sudden death in 2023 of then domestic trade minister Salahuddin Ayub, who had been next in line to succeed Mohamad Sabu, added uncertainty.

The party uses a two-stage leadership election: delegates first elect 27 members of the National Leadership Committee, who choose among themselves for the posts of president, deputy president and vice-presidents. Three figures have emerged as early contenders, each bringing distinct strengths and weaknesses (Figure 2).

Mujahid Yusof, 62, is incumbent deputy president and viewed as heir apparent. A former religious affairs minister and son of ex-PAS president Yusof Rawa, he is among Amanah’s foremost intellectuals and a champion of interfaith engagements, but lost his parliamentary seat to PAS in the past GE.

Dzulkefly Ahmad, a UK-trained toxicologist, topped the vote count for central committee in the 2023 party election and has served twice as health minister, but is 70 years old.

Adly Zahari represents Amanah’s next generation. At 56, he offers a blend of youth and executive experience, having served as Melaka chief minister and now deputy defence minister. Yet his relative youth may be a disadvantage in a party and culture that values seniority.

Figure 2: Frontrunners — Amanah Leadership Succession

Candidate (age)	Current Role	Appeals and Drawbacks
Mujahid Yusof Rawa (62)	Former MP & former religious affairs minister Amanah deputy president since 2023	+ Clear standing, natural successor + Strong intellectual and religious background with an inclusive approach          – Frequently attacked by conservatives
Dzulkefly Ahmad (70)	Current MP & Health Minister Amanah vice-president (VP) since 2023	+ Popular within the party and recognised by public; two-time health minister   – The oldest candidate
Adly Zahari (56)	Current MP & Deputy Defence Minister; former Melaka chief ministerAmanah VP since 2023	+ Offers generational renewal and demonstrated executive leadership +/- Youth may be asset (dynamism) or liability (relatively junior in hierarchy)

Looking Ahead

A decade after its formation, Amanah has yet to become the electoral counterweight to PAS that its founders envisaged. The party risks remaining overshadowed by PAS and its larger coalition partners. If its next leadership can articulate a clearer political vision and broaden its electoral appeal, however, Amanah may yet fulfil its original promise.

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