Nahdlatul Ulama’s Establishment versus Grassroots Leadership Race Will Affect Its Political Alignments

Indonesia’s largest Islamic organisation, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), is set to hold its 35th Congress at the end of August. The meeting will be hosted in the province of East Java, NU’s birthplace, and will elect the executive chairman of its national board. Although it is only a few weeks away from the election, no clear contender has emerged for the high office. The last election in 2021 saw a contest between two candidates, then incumbent Said Agil Siradj, and Yahya Cholil Staquf. Both were locked in fierce election campaign battles, with Yahya eventually prevailing.

This time, a substantial number of NU figures have hinted that they would run for the post. Current chairman Yahya is seeking a second term to “continue his unfinished agenda during his first five-year term, which includes promoting and upgrading digital management skills to NU branches and chapters”. Muhammad Yusuf Chudlori, the owner of Asrama Perguruan Islam (API) Islamic boarding school in Tegalrejo, Magelang, Central Java province, is also likely to put his name in the mix after securing the backing of 23 NU branches in the province. For context, there are about 400–500 NU chapters and branches nationwide, and each chairman candidate must be nominated by at least 99 branches and chapters to be eligible. The support of 23 branches for Muhammad Yusuf is significant because no other potential candidate has received such public endorsement.

Various other grassroots-based candidates have shown interest but have not obtained significant public support from NU branches. These include Zulfa Mustofa, the current deputy chairman of NU’s National Executive Board; Abdussalam Shohib, the owner of the Mamba’ul Ma’arif Islamic boarding school in Jombang, East Java; Abdul Hakim Mahfudz, the chairman of NU’s East Java chapter; and Abdul Ghaffar Rozin, the chairman of NU’s Central Java chapter. The list can grow as the political constellation can change in the run-up to the congress in August this year.

While there is no threat to NU’s progressive, moderate and inclusive ideology, the possibility of political realignment is real.

Indonesia’s Minister of Religious Affairs, Nasaruddin Umar, has not spoken publicly about participating in the race. However, there are rumours that he has been building political momentum to position himself for the top job. The Minister, who is closely aligned with President Prabowo, is a long-time member of NU but has maintained a low profile within the organisation. Between 22 and 26 July, he made himself available to participate in NU’s Intermediate Leadership Programme, a relatively low-key event that was organised by NU’s Gresik branch in East Java province. He was one of the 72 NU cadres and officials from various professional backgrounds who participated in the programme. The event provided him the opportunity to rekindle his ties with the organisation and to solicit support from prominent NU officials.

Nasaruddin’s prospective candidacy would be as an establishment figure, but he could pose a formidable challenge to incumbent Yahya, whose popularity has declined following a string of criticism. During Yahya’s tenure, NU sought to gain an international presence by promoting NU’s “Humanitarian Islam” vision. However, his critics contend that he should have focused more on improving the well-being of NU members. The NU National Board of Executives’ acceptance of the government’s offer of a coal mining concession on the island of Kalimantan further alienated NU grassroots, who felt the move by the organisation would contribute to environmental destruction.  

The next executive chairman might reorient NU’s international interests and domestic engagements, but the crop of candidates who have put their names forward are unlikely to change course on NU’s ideas and policies. They look set to continue promoting inclusive Islam, the bedrock of NU’s social and political platforms. The idea of “Islam Nusantara”, revived by Said Agil Siradj since the 2010s with emphasis on an inclusive form of Islam, will persist, as none of the NU chairman hopefuls has spoken against it. Said Agil capitalised on using the Islam Nusantara jargon in his campaign for NU executive chairmanship in 2010, and after he was elected as NU executive chairman that year, he continued to use it as a social and political platform to lead the organisation.

Islam Nusantara recognises Islam that is friendly to Indonesia’s local cultures or customs, originating from the presence of the Nine Saints (Wali Songo) who disseminated Islam through peaceful means in Java island between the 14th and 16th centuries. Said Agil revived the idea, hoping it could stem the rise of a more conservative form of Islam, for example, the rising popularity of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, and the Salafi and Tarbiyah movements which came to prominence after the 1998 Reformasi movement. In 2017, the Joko Widodo government banned Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, but the Salafi and Tarbiyah movements remain popular, especially in the urban areas. Said Agil promoted the idea aggressively to the extent that he invited backlash from the exclusivist Salafi-brand activists. But not all NU chairman hopefuls have indicated that they would follow in Said Agil’s footsteps by promoting Islam Nusantara as vigorously as he did, even if they agree with its underlying philosophy.  

While there is no threat to NU’s progressive, moderate and inclusive ideology, the possibility of political realignment is real. If Yahya is re-elected, he will maintain the good relationship with the Prabowo Subianto government. Already, NU is benefiting from the coal-mining concession. Nasaruddin would bring NU even closer to the government, as he is currently serving in the cabinet and has become the president’s trusted ally. The grassroots-based contenders are relatively unknown figures, but their campaigns would be carried by the masses who feel alienated by the current NU leadership.  

The election could preserve business as usual for NU and the government, if Yahya or Nasaruddin win on the back of incumbency advantage and national profile, respectively. But if a grassroots candidate prevails, he will have to act on grassroots sentiments — and the government will need to reassess and recultivate its ties with NU.

2026/219