Rafizi and Nik Nazmi’s “Kamikaze” Mission: A Brazen Double Dare
Published
Two former People’s Justice Party (PKR) stars have launched their own political party. There is much derring-do in their move, but it is too early to write off the new entity.
Even by his own lofty standards, Rafizi Ramli outdid himself in political theatre recently (17 May). In February, Malaysia’s former minister of economy and former People’s Justice Party (PKR) Deputy President, teased the public with a June surprise amid his spectacular fallout with Prime Minister and PKR President Anwar Ibrahim. Malaysians were duly alerted that Rafizi, with former Cabinet Minister and fellow PKR maverick Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, would announce a new “political direction” on 17 May, settling months of speculation.
While Anwar was in Johor Bahru addressing a Pakatan Harapan (PH) convention, Rafizi and Nik Nazmi took the stage in Petaling Jaya and stole the PM’s thunder. They launched a new movement by taking over the hitherto obscure Parti Bersama Malaysia (Malaysia United Party). They declared their parliament seats vacant and terminated their PKR memberships. By law, MPs who switch parties are disqualified. Rafizi and Nik Nazmi thus resigned on their own terms and freed themselves to helm Bersama. PKR is considering punitive action.
Few saw the breach between Anwar and his next-generation comrades — all three are alumni of the prestigious Malay College Kuala Kangsar (MCKK) — escalating to such a bare-knuckled political brawl. Anwar inspired multitudes to join the reformasi movement from 1998 and founded Keadilan, PKR’s predecessor, but it was Rafizi who brought his MCKK junior Nik Nazmi into the party. Twenty years ago, Nik Nazmi worked as Anwar’s private secretary through a critical phase of party-building. When Anwar was still imprisoned, Rafizi stayed steadfast as a party leader, strategist and mobiliser, most pivotally at the 2018 election which saw the defeat of Barisan Nasional (BN). Then, the coalition was Anwar’s arch nemesis.
The animosity between Anwar and Rafizi runs deep, but has ploughed new depths more recently. The relationship, although uneasy for years, reached a mutually destructive level after the acrimonious party elections of April 2025. A group of Rafizi-aligned PKR figures, including Nik Nazmi, were ousted as party branch leaders amid allegations of voting irregularities, and despite earlier signals that the top two posts would not be contested. Anwar’s daughter Nurul Izzah emerged with a late nomination to unseat Rafizi as deputy president.
Following Rafizi and Nik Nazmi’s concurrent resignations from Cabinet in May 2025, the vitriol intensified. Rafizi incessantly lambasted Anwar and PKR and raised corruption allegations, including against the then Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) chief Azam Baki — cases that media reports had also uncovered. In February 2026, the MACC launched an investigation into Rafizi for purported abuse of power in a MYR1.1 billion investment deal between Malaysia and UK-based semiconductor company Arm Holdings. The deal was facilitated by Rafizi’s Ministry of Economy.
There is some logic behind their move to use Bersama as an electoral vehicle. PKR had become inhospitable to Rafizi and Nik Nazmi, but to run as independents, start a new party or occupy an existing one would go down a road that has repeatedly brought heartbreak and failure. In Peninsular Malaysia, large parties and broad coalitions dominate. In the first-past-the-post electoral system, small parties can get a respectable share of the vote but win no seats.
It may be true that Rafizi and Nik Nazmi are not consumed with winning. But their political foes would be unwise to dismiss them.
Rafizi said aloud what his audience was thinking: the move is a kamikaze mission. He went on to admit a craziness in venturing forth, then shrugged off all concern about the bleak outcomes the punditry predict.
It may be true that Rafizi and Nik Nazmi are not consumed with winning. But their political foes would be unwise to dismiss them. Rafizi and Nik Nazmi are daring the establishment to react to their challenge, and daring the electorate to take a chance on their improbable campaign. Multi-ethnic Bersama could be a contender in urban constituencies for three reasons.
First, Bersama’s profile and message could resonate with jaded voters. Rafizi decried the political culture that promises change but preserves the status quo. Nik Nazmi’s speech extolled the principles of moderation and fairness, and advocated for policies that would ensure dignified livelihoods for all. He borrowed New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s evocative line from his inauguration address, that “moments of great possibility have been promptly surrendered to small imagination and smaller ambition”.
These messages are not entirely new, but they are enhanced by Rafizi and Nik Nazmi’s demonstration of courage and willingness to take risks. This could resonate with voters who feel disillusioned with political elites. The Sabah state election in November showed that voters in PH’s urban bases were willing to flip when multi-ethnic Warisan presented itself as an alternative.
Second, they have the capacity to strategise and execute campaigns. Rafizi brings rich experience in data analysis, social media machinery and communication platforms that channel tailored content to targeted voters. While their message may be audacious, their ambition need not be. This can play to their advantage. Bersama can grow either through other MPs vacating their parliament seats and defecting to Bersama or political newcomers joining; what matters is fielding a sizable slate of winsome candidates in selected seats. They prefer Bersama to strike out on its own rather than joining a coalition. This, however, does not preclude agreements with like-minded parties, such as Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA), to avoid clashes, even if they do not campaign together.
Third, Bersama’s novelty could appeal to new, undecided voters. Malaysia’s recent elections have each been shaped by multi-cornered contests and splits in the Malay vote, in which younger, less partisan voters could swing the outcome. Splitting the urban vote in PH strongholds adds further permutations — none of which, it must be said, guarantee gains to Bersama. But the field could open up to their benefit.
Bersama has much to unveil and persuade, but it is already a new player making waves.
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Lee Hwok-Aun is Senior Fellow of the Regional Economic Studies Programme, and Co-coordinator of the Malaysia Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.

















