Reassessing Anies Baswedan’s Legacy in Jakarta: Institutionalising Collaboration to Address Urban Challenges
Published
Apart from his political legacy, former Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan might have left a lasting policy and bureaucratic impact on how Jakarta develops as an urban city, quite apart from its identity as the nation’s capital, which it is about to shed.
After the 2024 simultaneous regional elections (pilkada serentak), 2025 marks the beginning of Jakarta’s journey into its “post-capital” future. This transitional moment demands a re-examination of the city’s past leadership to gauge how it can move forward. In this regard, former governor Anies Baswedan’s (2017-2022) leadership offers valuable lessons and cautionary insights into navigating Jakarta’s urban woes.
Like many other capitals and major cities, Jakarta’s development has been intricately enmeshed in elite power struggles and wealth accumulation strategies. As Panjaitan, Ponkani, and Darchen note, during Suharto’s 31-year regime (1967-1998), the private sector became a key partner of the government in financing urban development projects. This partnership not only prioritised profitable projects but also left the government with little control over wealth redistribution, leading to rampant inequalities. In the post-Suharto era, the shift towards democratic elections has turned Jakarta’s governorship into a stepping stone to the presidency. One unintended dynamic is that this often overshadows the pursuit of long-term urban solutions.
Anies left a complex legacy as Jakarta’s governor. He controversially embraced identity politics in the lead-up to the 2017 gubernatorial election: his close ties to Islamist groups that mobilised mass protests against incumbent governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (“Ahok”) over alleged blasphemy charges contributed to escalating sectarian tensions. Yet the election coincided with a rise in social activism and grassroots movements in Jakarta, driven by increasing discrimination against the city’s poor residents. Much of this activism was in response to Ahok’s controversial eviction policies, which reportedly resulted in 113 forced eviction cases across Jakarta in 2015 (84 per cent of which lacked consent from the affected communities).
As a candidate, Anies promised to end such practices and attend to the needs of the poor. After winning, he routinised collaborative approaches towards Jakarta’s city planning to fulfil his campaign promises. His administration made significant strides in supporting housing for underprivileged communities and expanding common spaces.
As Wilson notes, Anies established “a more comprehensive and effective” political partnership with the Urban Poor Network (Jaringan Rakyat Miskin Kota or JRMK), a coalition that advocates the rights of Jakarta’s urban poor. This partnership underpinned pro-poor initiatives, particularly vis-à-vis relocations of the city’s kampung (densely populated irregular settlements) residents. Fauzi and Kosandi observe that this resulted in the issuance of the 2018 Governor Regulation (Pergub) No. 90, aimed at fostering an “orderly, decent, and humane residential environment”.
One of the key projects within this framework was the on-site rebuilding of the formerly evicted Kampung Susun Bahari Akuarium (KSBA) in North Jakarta, which involved diverse stakeholders, including advocacy groups, intellectual circles and collectives like the “think-act tank” RUJAK Centre for Urban Studies (RCUS) and Arsitek Tanpa Batas (Architecture Sans Frontières Indonesia) and community leaders in the design process. This represented a departure from past eviction practices, which lacked consultation with affected residents and basic procedural safeguards yet had become routine since the tenure of former governor Sutiyoso (2002-2007).
Anies’ governorship epitomises the far-reaching impact of national politics on the city’s development, while highlighting the challenge of achieving policy continuity critical in effectively tackling Jakarta’s urban challenges.
In an interview with the author, urbanist and activist Marco Kusumawijaya (founder, RCUS) emphasised the impact of Anies’ efforts in “structuring” or institutionalising collaboration within Jakarta’s governance through initiatives such as KSBA. Reflecting on his role as a strategist in KSBA’s reconstruction and as a former member of the Governor’s Team for Accelerated Development (Tim Gubernur Untuk Percepatan Pembangunan or TGUPP), Marco noted that Anies’ approach reformed eviction practices and worked to strengthen the organisational capacity of affected communities. This included supporting the establishment of a residential cooperative (koperasi penghuni) to enable the residents to manage the building and collect rent, a model applied in other vertical kampung initiatives such as Kampung Kunir and Kampung Susun Tumbuh Cakung.
Anies extended the principle of collaboration to other development sectors, notably in expanding and revitalising public spaces. By 2022, his administration had constructed and renovated 444 city parks (taman kota), including 100 community-focused parks (Taman Maju Bersama or TMB). The creation of green public spaces was initiated and prioritised by Ahok’s administration, resulting in the creation of 188 Child-Friendly Integrated Public Spaces (Ruang Publik Terpadu Ramah Anak or RPTRA). Whereas Ahok implemented a top-down model with standardised park designs, a study highlights that Anies favoured a bottom-up, collaborative strategy to meet the needs and preferences of local communities. He involved residents — including youth, the elderly, and women — in focus group discussions that informed the development of the TMBs.
Anies’ administration was not free from controversy or missteps. For instance, the continuation of the sumur resapan (infiltration wells) policy, initially focused on Jakarta’s green zones under former governor (then president) Joko Widodo, became problematic when extended to roadways under Anies. The wells exacerbated traffic congestion while contributing little to flood mitigation. Other policies, including those highlighted, drew significant criticism. For one, the development of TMBs reportedly came at the expense of existing RPTRAs built during Ahok’s administration, with some falling into neglect.
These issues point to a deeper issue in Jakarta’s urban governance: the challenge of having a coherent, long-term plan insulated from shifting political agendas. Such a challenge was further evinced when interim governor Heru Budi Hartono (2022–2024), appointed by then-president Widodo, reversed several of Anies’ initiatives — most notably through the overriding of Anies’ request to revise a regulation which authorised forced evictions.
Anies’ governorship epitomises the far-reaching impact of national politics on the city’s development while highlighting the challenge of achieving policy continuity critical in effectively tackling Jakarta’s urban challenges. His policies as governor were initially shaped by strategic electoral considerations but their implementation suggests a promising shift from the profit-driven agendas that have long dominated Jakarta’s development towards a more people-centric approach. If this momentum is preserved and shielded from shifting political interests, future governors, city leaders, and residents might build upon it to chart a path for Jakarta towards a more inclusive and equitable future.
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Dr Najwa Abdullah is a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Department of Media Studies and Amsterdam School for Cultural Analysis, University of Amsterdam. She was a Visiting Fellow with the Regional Social & Cultural Studies Programme at ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute.









