Rebel Violence in Myanmar and NUG’s Crisis of Legitimacy

On 8 July 2024, a 16-year-old boy was found dead with multiple wounds near a cemetery in central Myanmar, an area dominated by resistance forces. He was a member of the All-Burma Federation of Students’ Union’s (ABFSU) local branch. A few weeks before the murder, this branch had clashed with a local resistance group over an issue. ABFSU petitioned immediately for the arrest of suspects, allegedly members of the resistance group.

Although the National Unity Government (NUG) responded by condemning the murder and detaining four suspected members, the damage had already been done. Moreover, it was one among many instances where the members of resistance forces under the nominal control of the NUG had committed extrajudicial killings, unlawful arrests, torture, human rights violations and war crimes. The NUG’s reputation and claims to legitimacy hang in the balance as a result.

The NUG is Myanmar’s parallel and interim government founded in April 2021 with the aim of “weakening the governance mechanisms” of the junta, which had taken power two months earlier. The mandate for the NUG is laid out in the Federal Democracy Charter, released on 31 March 2021. The charter’s main goal is the construction of a federal union “which can guarantee equality and self-determination… based on the freedom, equality and justice for all citizens”.

Shortly after the release of the charter, U Yee Mon, the NUG’s defence minister, explained in an interview that since the junta’s armed forces are not protecting its citizens, it is the responsibility of the NUG and its federal army to take over that responsibility. The People’s Defence Forces (PDF) was formed in May 2021.

Simultaneously, the NUG’s predecessor authorised the formation of people’s administrations (known in Burmese as “pa ah pha”) in localities across the country, a process that began shortly after the coup. According to a statement released on 3 March 2021, people’s administrations act as interim ruling bodies to manage local affairs. They were established in every locale after local defence forces captured the area.

People’s administrations have two armed wings: the People’s Security Forces (PSF or “pa la pha”) and People’s Defence Organisations (PDOs or “pa ka pha”). PSFs and PDOs act as law enforcement entities for people’s administrations in their territories, while the PDF’s role is to fight against the junta forces. They are together known as “pa thone lone” in Burmese, or “The Three Pa”. Every township under the NUG’s control has its own people’s administration, PSF, and PDO. Administrations in different localities usually do not interfere with the operations of others, although clashes occasionally happen.

Recently, however, the gamekeepers have turned into poachers. The two armed wings have become a menace to civilians living inside the NUG-controlled territories. This has created a crisis of legitimacy for the NUG. The Three Pa have continuously violated the Federal Democracy Charter’s values and norms, which provided the mandate for the NUG’s formation in the first place.

Recently, however, the gamekeepers have turned into poachers. The two armed wings have become a menace to civilians living inside the NUG-controlled territories.

Members of The Three Pa have been criticised for various crimes, and several allegations have been made against them. There are allegations that members of PSFs and PDOs raped a detainee in custody. Other allegations of rape and murder have been levelled against them. Some detainees imprisoned in a PSF unit’s custody were allegedly killed.

Tensions have also occasionally flared up between people’s administrations and the locals, with the former often resolving such issues with violence. People’s administration members have also been accused of being involved in illegal timber extraction and gold mining, as well as usurping authority. Moreover, local people’s administrations used tax collected from checkpoints along major routes for personal use. In one township, PDFs had to seize the checkpoints and reorganise them.

These events have created a schism between the local populace and the NUG. Members of PDFs have even resigned due to their dislike of a people’s administration officer.

Although the NUG tried to solve the issue, corruption and power abuse remain rampant among the personnel of The Three Pa. The NUG has been accused of being hesitant to reform the corrupt people’s administration institution. The public has called on it to tackle The Three Pa’s attempt to hamper the resistance movement. The NUG has punished people’s administration members who abused their authority. It has even suspended the people’s administration in one locality while replacing the members of people’s administrations from six other localities. Still, the issue is far from resolved, as the PDO’s seizure of toll gates in early January 2025 shows.

As a government mandated by the charter, which enshrines justice, equality, and freedom as its core values, the human rights violations of local groups under its control significantly harm the NUG’s reputation and legitimacy. Moreover, its deviation from its own ideals and values can undermine its role in Myanmar’s Spring Revolution as a protector of human rights and democracy. A sexual harassment allegation against a NUG representative in India does not help improve its image.

The NUG needs to better control the territories under its purview, set up offices in areas where violence has occurred and find ways to stamp out incompetence in law enforcement matters. The NUG should start formulating a system for transitional justice — with related educational programmes — which would help to strengthen the NUG’s judicial capacity. If the NUG fails to contain fiendish and rogue elements in The Three Pa, it will find its legitimacy as an alternative government in peril.

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