State-Level Empowerment of Sufism in Addressing the Salafi-Wahhabi Threat in Malaysia
Published
Where does Islam in Malaysia stand regarding Sufi ideology and practice? Some states are making their stance clear in response to mixed signals from the top.
At a dialogue event on 25 February 2025, “Muzakarah Sultan Nazrin Muizzuddin Shah”, the Sultan of Perak and Deputy Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Nazrin emphasised the need to disseminate and strengthen Sufism in Malaysia. (Editor’s note: From Urdu/Arabic, muzakarah can also mean a conference, discussion or debate. The Sultan held a similar event in 2017 with 1,000 attendees; Perak’s muzakarah ulama started in 1995.) Using the theme “Empowering the Integration between Fiqh and Sufism”, he stated that Islam’s orientation in Malaysia has predominantly focused on jurisprudence (fiqh), which is insufficient to address political, social, and moral issues.
This is an important call, as Sufism can potentially alleviate the threat of Salafi-Wahhabism and mitigate religious extremism, while emphasising a less legalistic and literalist approach to Islam. Although the Sultan did not explicitly label Salafism as extremism, he indicated that the recent rise of extremist tendencies in Malaysia was due to the lack of a Sufi approach.
The terms “Sufi” and “Tasawwuf” have been used interchangeably since the early second Hijri century (the Hijra took place in 622 CE), when the pious predecessors – the first three generations of Muslims, also known as salaf al-salih – were alive. Sufism is the mystical aspect of Islamic belief and practice, where adherents seek truth through divine love and knowledge, attained through a direct personal experience of God. Adherents choose a path which helps them seek closeness to God through detachment from worldly affairs and progression in spiritual stations. Their path is a tariqah (in time this term has come to denote a Sufi order, led by a sheikh or spiritual leader). Among the most recognised and widespread Sufi orders in Malaysia are the Qadiriyyah, Rifaiyyah, Shadhiliyyah, Naqshbandiyyah, Shattariyyah, and Khalwatiyyah.
While Sunni Islam protects Sufism, the Salafi-Wahhabi ideology rejects it, considering Sufi practices such as the glorification of sacred places and saints as acts of infidelity (kufr), apostasy (riddah), and innovation (bid’ah). In contrast, while Sunni and Salafi-Wahhabi factions generally oppose Shi’ism, in countries such as Egypt, Sunni-Sufi groups have cooperated with Shi’a groups to counter Salafi-Wahhabism.
The Muzakarah, representing the official stance of the Perak state government, proposed seven resolutions to be adopted by the state’s religious authorities. Significantly, the muzakarah set some guard rails to prevent Sufism from sliding into what might be considered heresy. The resolutions include officially recognising Sufi teachings and orders as legitimate in Malaysian Islam; preserving and strengthening Sufism; implementing Sufi education by qualified educators in schools, universities, mosques, and religious institutions; formally recognising specific mainstream tariqah; ensuring that Sufi teachings remain aligned with Sunni teachings; enacting legislation to regulate Sufism’s development; preventing heretical movements from misusing Sufism and countering Wahhabi arguments against it; and issuing fatwas to protect Sufism from being labelled by Wahhabi groups as deviant (bid’ah).
The strengthening of Sufism in Malaysia is crucial and can be seen as a positive step in mitigating a rigid and bureaucratic interpretation of Islam…
This development is significant as Perak appears to be following Negeri Sembilan’s precedent, where the Tarekat Tasawuf Enactment (2005) ensures that 17 Sufi orders are registered and monitored by religious authorities. The Naqshbandiyyah tariqah, for example, enjoys formal recognition in Negeri Sembilan.
Selangor has expressed its intention to follow Negeri Sembilan’s lead. The state’s Executive Councilor for Islamic Affairs and Innovation, Dr Mohammad Fahmi Ngah, affirmed that Selangor would align with the decree of Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah, which underscores the necessity of establishing guidelines, a special syllabus or specific regulations for the practice of Sufism. Dr Fahmi noted that this measure aims to curb religious extremism.
The strengthening of Sufism in Malaysia is crucial and can be seen as a positive step in mitigating a rigid and bureaucratic interpretation of Islam, which often prioritises legalistic rulings (halal and haram) over compassion and mercy for society, including for non-Muslims. If sustained, this initiative could extend to other states and even reach Putrajaya, reshaping the religious landscape within the Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (JAKIM).
Furthermore, the institutionalisation of Sufism is a vital strategy in countering religious extremism, particularly from Salafi-Wahhabi factions, which frequently delegitimise other Islamic orientations. The ongoing ideological conflict between Sufism and Wahhabism is long standing. The steps taken by Perak, Selangor, and Negeri Sembilan signal their clear rejection of Salafi-Wahhabism and a willingness to combat them using Sufi principles as a shield and a weapon.
Additionally, this approach towards Sufism highlights the direct influence, contribution, and intervention of the monarchy. In 2022, the Sultan of Selangor reprimanded JAKIM — then under the Perikatan Nasional government — and this led to the revocation of the baon the Naqshbandiyyah tariqah. This stands in contrast to Perlis’ approach, which aligns with Salafi-Wahhabism under Ahlus Sunnah Perlis, a movement supported by the state government.
In addition to Perlis’ large-scale promotion of Salafi-Wahhabism through programmes such as Perkampungan Sunnah (Sunnah Village), the movement has actively sought to establish a presence within the Prime Minister’s Office. Recently, chair of Indonesia’s Muhammadiyyah Dr Haedar Nashir visited Prime Minister (PM) Anwar Ibrahim, accompanied by the Mufti of Perlis, Mohd Asri Zainul Abidin.
PM Anwar’s seemingly ambiguous stance towards the Salafi-Wahhabi faction, including his engagement with anti-Sufi figures such as Zakir Naik, whom the Mufti of Perlis has consistently defended, risks being misinterpreted by traditional Sunni Muslims and Sufis. If the PM does not carefully manage the ideological struggle between Sufism and Wahhabism, this could escalate into an intense confrontation between palace-backed Islamic groups and reformist religious scholars Putrajaya supports. It is time for PM Anwar to take a definitive stance in this ideological contest.
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Mohd Faizal Musa is a Visiting Senior Fellow at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute and an Associate at Weatherhead Centre Harvard University working on Global Shia Diaspora.









