The Anti-Political Dynasty Rule in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM): A Game Changer in Philippine Politics?

The upcoming parliamentary elections in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) in May 2025 will be a historical watershed for this region, long beset by armed conflict, ethnic and religious strife, and socioeconomic underdevelopment. It will be the first election since the comprehensive peace agreement between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was signed a decade ago. An interesting dimension in the BARMM elections will be the implementation of a ban against political dynasties. Could this start to dismantle the culture of dynastic politics in the Bangsamoro in favour of credible, strong and genuinely principled political parties and politicians?

Political dynasties in the BARMM can be traced back to the pre-colonial era (1450-1946), where local leaders or “datus” held power over their respective communities. Colonial rule and post-independence governments relied on these same political elites to maintain order and implement policies. This reliance led to the entrenchment of warring clans such as the Alonto-Adiongs of Lanao, the Loongs of Sulu, and the Matba of Tawi-Tawi, who have maintained their influence through patronage systems and familial networks.

The negative consequences of political dynasties for democratic governance and economic development have been a significant concern in Philippine politics but more significantly for BARMM. This led the framers of the Bangsamoro Electoral Code (BEC) to incorporate anti-dynasty provisions aimed at curbing the influence of entrenched political families. Dynastic politics is not unique to the Philippines but the country has seen the simultaneous persistence of political clans in power with the prevalence of clientelism, corruption and the degradation of democratic representation and political accountability.

Political dynasties are characterised by the concentration of political power within specific families – in the case of BARMM, within clans – which can lead to a lack of political competition. In the country, political dynasties have been linked to clientelist practices that prioritise personal connections over public service, creating grievances among the population. The prevalence of such dynasties is often associated with broader democratic deficits.

While the 1987 Constitution explicitly prohibits political dynasties in the Philippines, it placed the burden to pass the enabling law on a dynasty-ridden national legislature. The irony could not be starker.

The relationship between political dynasties and poverty is complex, with studies suggesting that dynasties contribute to persistent poverty by limiting economic opportunities for broader segments of the population. This dynamic creates a vicious self-reinforcing feedback loop where poverty facilitates the continuation of dynastic rule, while dynastic governance fails to address the underlying socio-economic issues. In BARMM, the dominance of political dynasties relative to prevailing socio-economic conditions is evident. In 2023, it was among the poorest regions in the country, with 23.5 per cent of its households living below the poverty threshold (defined as US$250 a month per five-member household in the Philippines). Dynasties often exploit local resources for personal gain, leading to a situation where they prioritise their families’ interests over community welfare.

While the 1987 Constitution explicitly prohibits political dynasties in the Philippines, it placed the burden on a dynasty-ridden national legislature to pass the enabling law. The irony could not be starker. As the BARMM is an autonomous region, it was able to pass its own electoral laws that included an anti-dynasty provision (Section 3(d), Article 4 of the BEC), which reads: “…Nominees submitted by the Regional Political Parties (RPP) shall not be related to each other within the second degree of consanguinity or affinity”.

The effectiveness of this provision will depend on political will and the readiness of relevant political actors, including electoral institutions, local political elites, and voters, to uphold it. Moreover, the implementation of the anti-dynasty provision must be accompanied by broader electoral reforms that will ensure fair political competition and free suffrage. However, given that this will entail a radical redistribution of power away from dynastic clans, BARMM local elites might obfuscate and undermine the implementation of these reforms, especially when many of them have private armies and other means of political violence. Electoral institutions of the national and regional government, the security sector, and electoral reform advocates from civil society must anticipate this possibility through proactive interventions and advocacy.

For example, the establishment of independent electoral bodies and the promotion of civil society participation are critical components of a comprehensive strategy to reduce the power of dynasties. Within BARMM, this would involve strengthening local governance structures and encouraging grassroots engagement that could counterbalance established political families.

Furthermore, enhancing the recruitment process within parties is crucial. Nascent political parties in the Bangsamoro region such as the MILF-led United Bangsamoro Justice Party and other emerging local and sectoral parties must institutionalise their candidate selection process to promote transparency and inclusivity. This involves the implementation of democratic mechanisms for candidate nominations that consider candidates’ qualifications and integrity rather than their familial connections. Furthermore, fostering internally democratic party rules and processes that can empower grassroots members to have a say in candidate selection is important.

The fight against political dynasties is not merely a legal or political issue but also a cultural one. Hence, the anti-dynasty provision in the BARMM is a leap in the right direction. Yet changing societal attitudes against dynastic politics requires a long-term commitment to promoting democratic values and encouraging openness, accountability, and popular participation. This ethos could then strengthen democratic values such as cultural diversity, and public accountability. Before such a cultural shift can occur, the peace agreement should remain the legitimate political consensus between the national government, ex-MILF rebels and the political clans. The outcome of the BARMM elections will be a litmus test of this consensus.

Having democratically free and fair elections in the BARMM will help to shift public perceptions toward local politics. It is a fundamental step towards reducing and perhaps eventually ending dynastic political dominance. Such reform could help Muslim Filipinos to uphold their aspirations for a lasting and inclusive peace.

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