Mandarin Learning in Brunei’s Chinese Schools: Practical Considerations

The global and regional rise of Mandarin learning attests to China’s soft power. China’s agency in promoting Chinese culture and language is evident in Southeast Asia, a region that has responded to China’s rise as an economic superpower not least because of its integration into the Belt and Road Initiative. Along cultural and linguistic lines, China’s focus on establishing ties with Southeast Asian nations has resulted in an increased uptake of Mandarin in the region, where 41 Confucius Institutes (CIs) are operating. This is in sharp contrast to the CIs in the United States, United Kingdom and Australia, which have been treated with suspicion and have experienced scrutiny, restricted funding or even closure.

Unlike the experiences in other ASEAN countries, however, the case of Brunei Darussalam demonstrates that Mandarin learning — its spread, sustainability, and strength —is driven less by Chinese soft power projection but more by a set of local and regional factors.   Our research on Chinese schools established by the Chinese community in Brunei indicates that parental and students’ choices to learn Mandarin in these schools are primarily based on the academic rigour and opportunities that schools represent, rather than the intrinsic attraction to the language or its place of origin.

Elsewhere, a growing enthusiasm for studying the Chinese language, sometimes referred to as “Mandarin Fever”, is often associated with the rise of China and attributed to China’s concerted efforts to promote Chinese language through CIs and scholarships to study in China. In Brunei, however, CIs are absent possibly due to religious sensitivities but Chinese-government scholarships are available to high school and university graduates. China’s efforts to enhance its soft power are evident through various activities conducted by the Chinese embassy, such as organising the annual China Day event, donating books to local schools and universities,  sponsoring painting competitions in schools and offering support to Chinese language programme at Chinese schools. When it comes to the learning of Mandarin, however, China’s soft power efforts play a subsidiary role compared to the intrinsic attraction of Chinese schools.

Rather than a consequence of China’s cultural diplomacy, Mandarin learning in Brunei is motivated by immediate concerns of academic success and enhancing worldviews through a different language and culture.

Since Brunei’s independence in 1984, the use of language in the educational system has witnessed two main shifts: the first was the Malay-English Bilingual System introduced in 1984, and secondly, the National Education System for the 21^st Century (SPN-21) from 2009 onwards. SPN-21 prioritises English as the medium of instruction, in particular, for STEM subjects. Mandarin is included only as an elective subject in the national curriculum, which is adhered to by state and private schools in Brunei. Chinese schools are an exception as Mandarin is a core subject, even while English is used as the instructional language for other subjects.

Chinese schools in Brunei have a history dating back to 1916. There are currently eight Chinese schools in Brunei, of which three offer a comprehensive K-12 education and the other five are primary schools. Although the use of Mandarin as a medium of instruction has ceased since mid-1970s, these schools continue to teach Mandarin as a standalone subject, alongside English and Malay.

The Chinese middle schools are patronised significantly by the Chinese community, which accounts for 9.6 per cent of the total population today. In contrast, primary schools mostly located in rural areas have witnessed a higher enrolment in recent years amongst the non-Chinese population. The urban migration of ethnic Chinese residents has created further vacancies for non-Chinese residents, including Malays, Dusuns and Ibans, at Chinese primary schools located in various villages.

Chinese secondary schools in Brunei enjoy a strong reputation as educational institutions. Their students frequently achieve top positions in national rankings for their outstanding academic performance in high-stakes public examinations. The academic discipline, rigorous training, and the consequent high performances of students cement the credibility of these schools. This track record precedes these schools, and parents believe that Chinese schools will have a positive influence, instilling strong academic ethics and values in their children.

Another important aspect is that Mandarin language classes in these schools offer excellent opportunities for non-Chinese students to learn an additional language and gain insights into a different culture. Chinese schools often organise Chinese language fun fairs, cultural dances and other activities to enhance the cultural immersion of students. Mandarin language teachers also reveal that they maintain levels of student interest through practices of linguistic diversity, such as using Malay translations in their pedagogy to enrich the learning of Mandarin vocabulary. The multicultural school environment also serves to equip the youth with the experience needed to thrive in an increasingly diverse and interconnected world.

Chinese soft power that contributes to the global production of Mandarin Fever plays an auxiliary role in promoting Chinese language learning in Brunei. Chinese language education is dictated more by practical considerations of academic rigour found in Chinese schools. Rather than a consequence of China’s cultural diplomacy, Mandarin learning in Brunei is motivated by immediate concerns of academic success and enhancing worldviews through a different language and culture. As the economic ties between Brunei and China have grown in recent years, it will be fascinating to observe the impact of this development on the learning of the Chinese language and enrolment in Chinese schools.

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