Vietnam and Singapore: Chicken Rice, Apom, Milk Tea and a Shared Strategic Outlook

On 17 July, Vietnam and Singapore held a dinner reception to celebrate the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations and the 10th anniversary of their strategic partnership. Vietnamese Foreign Minister Bui Thanh Son and his Singaporean counterpart Vivian Balakrishnan attended the event and had lunch together at an iconic hawker centre the next day. They had good reasons to celebrate the relationship over chicken rice, milk tea and apom (Indian-style pancake) made by a Vietnamese hawker: the two countries have fostered extensive cooperation in various areas based on “a common strategic outlook” and strong political trust.

Both Vietnam and Singapore have pursued omni-enmeshment of major powers in the regional architecture to ensure strategic equilibrium and a favourable external environment. Both share a tacit endorsement of Indo-Pacific concepts proposed by the United States and its partners. They generally welcome minilateral initiatives like the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, Australia-UK-US trilateral security agreement, and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework as long as these groupings contribute to regional security and prosperity. At the same time, Vietnam and Singapore maintain robust and positive ties with China.

Against this backdrop, two issues of particular importance for the Vietnam-Singapore strategic partnership moving forward are maritime security and green energy.

As maritime states that thrive on sea-borne trade and resources, Vietnam and Singapore share a strategic interest in safeguarding the freedom of navigation and overflight in the South China Sea. Both countries also seek to ensure that major powers operating in the South China Sea act in accordance with international law, including UNCLOS. In 2016, after an international tribunal ruled against China’s nine-dash line claim in a case brought by the Philippines, both countries positively acknowledged the arbitration award.

The two countries have signed a Defence Cooperation Agreement as a basis to improve military-to-military cooperation, including on maritime security issues. During Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh’s visit to Singapore in February, the Maritime and Port Authority of Singapore and the Vietnam Maritime Administration inked a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU). Under this agreement, the two sides will enhance their cooperation in areas related to green shipping, maritime training, and port state control inspections. They would also use digital technologies to promote efficient, safe, and sustainable shipping.

In addition to maritime security, Vietnam and Singapore share a common vision of balancing growth with sustainability, as reflected in their commitments toward green energy transition. Both nations are cognisant of their vulnerability to climate change impacts and have set ambitious green energy targets to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.

During Prime Minister Chinh’s visit, Vietnam and Singapore synergised their efforts by signing the MOUs on the “Green-Digital Economic Partnership” and “Economic and Trade Cooperation Workplan”. The two agreements seek to strengthen bilateral cooperation in various green initiatives, including carbon credits, energy connectivity, renewable energy, electricity, liquified natural gas, and low-carbon solutions.

The MOUs signed between the two countries indicate that there is potential to deepen ties in maritime security and green energy transition. However, it remains unclear if such MOUs will be materialised. Thus it is important for the two countries to hold regular exchanges across all levels to ensure the implementation of these agreements. Beyond the issues covered by these MOUs, there are two important yet underdeveloped areas where Vietnam and Singapore should boost their strategic partnership.

In the words of Bilahari Kausikan, former permanent secretary at Singapore’s Foreign Ministry, non-riparian ASEAN members need to “discard a narrow transactional approach towards Mekong issues and think about Southeast Asia holistically as one strategic theatre”. Thus, Singapore should work closely with Vietnam within ASEAN to rally the bloc to take a proactive stance on the Mekong.

First, Vietnam and Singapore should engage in coast guard diplomacy. Both countries share a common interest in combating non-traditional maritime threats facing the South China Sea, such as illegal fishing, smuggling, and piracy. By exchanging experiences and best practices, the Vietnamese and Singaporean coast guards can strengthen their capabilities and respond to these challenges more effectively.

An example of Vietnam’s coast guard diplomacy is the inaugural “Vietnam Coast Guards and Friends” exchange programme held in December last year. This Vietnam-led initiative welcomed delegations from Cambodia, China, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand. It provided an opportunity to enhance mutual understanding and trust among regional maritime forces. It is unclear why Singapore was not among the participating delegations, but it should be invited to and join the next iteration. Singapore’s participation will not only strengthen bilateral cooperation with Vietnam but also further promote regional multilateral cooperation on maritime security.

Second, Vietnam and Singapore should collaborate to elevate Mekong issues in ASEAN’s agenda. While hydropower supports green energy transition in Southeast Asia, excessive hydropower dam-building in the Mekong poses serious ecological threats to riparian countries, including Vietnam. These dams block sediment flow and reduce agricultural productivity in the Lower Mekong region, which supplies the majority of Singapore’s rice. Thus, food security in Vietnam and Singapore are at risk.

Moreover, US-China competition in the Mekong region has intensified, centring around Beijing’s upstream dam-building activities and their impacts. Both the environmental consequences and great power rivalry surrounding the Mekong have the potential to spill over into maritime Southeast Asia.

Vietnam sought to bring Mekong issues to ASEAN platforms in the past but did not receive sufficient support from member states. One reason is that maritime Southeast Asian countries, including Singapore, generally consider the Mekong as a sub-regional issue rather than a regional matter. But in the words of Bilahari Kausikan, former permanent secretary at Singapore’s Foreign Ministry, non-riparian ASEAN members need to “discard a narrow transactional approach towards Mekong issues and think about Southeast Asia holistically as one strategic theatre”. Thus, Singapore should work closely with Vietnam within ASEAN to rally the bloc to take a proactive stance on the Mekong.

Given the tricky shoals of Sino-U.S. competition, Vietnam and Singapore can continue to use the maritime and green “buoys” of their strategic partnership to steer ASEAN towards a more sustainable and secure future.

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