Bangsa Johor’s Resounding Vote

The dust of Johor’s state election has settled, returning Chief Minister Onn Hafiz to office with a thumping mandate. Johoreans demonstrated that they are happy with the incumbent Barisan Nasional (BN), disgruntled with the Pakatan Harapan-led (PH) federal government and resent being patronised by outsiders. While some political observers ruminated about the impact of the polls on the upcoming federal elections, the Johor elections were more about the pride of being in the rich southern state.

On 11 July, the BN coalition won 48 out of 56 seats. The Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), a component party of BN, won eight seats and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), another BN party, bagged four seats. PH candidates held on to eight seats, but the Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition and other smaller parties were edged out. BN’s campaign hinged on the perceived popularity of the state government led by Onn Hafiz Ghazi. Onn Hafiz’s grandfather was Malaysia’s third Prime Minister, Tun Hussein Onn, and his great-grandfather, Onn Jaafar, was the founder of United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). With a 69.6 per cent voter turnout, 59.7 per cent of the 1.87 million ballots cast went to BN.

While Onn Hafiz is often seen as a blue-blooded politician of (UMNO) lineage, he is perceived to have effectively led Johor to unprecedented economic progress, having expended much effort in working to improve and resolve many long-standing issues. Aside from broad social media documentation of the presence of Onn Hafiz and his executive committee on the ground, the state also provided financial and other aid to various groups in need, in the form of profit-sharing from record investments in the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone (JS-SEZ).

This does not mean that the federal government did not play an important role. In fact, international investments and engagement cannot happen without federal approval. But Johoreans believe that the state’s success has come despite federal obstacles and bureaucracy. The JS-SEZ, for example, is seen as a Johorean innovation slowed down by federal demands. Thus, Johor’s triumphs are seen as BN achievements, earned by overcoming federal PH lethargy and resistance.

The PH campaign leveraged a claim by former Prime Minister Najib Razak’s son Nazifuddin Najib that an UMNO win would facilitate the release of his father, but this was seen as political race-baiting. Voters are acutely aware of political corruption and are no longer willing to accept it. Onn Hafiz is seen as a clean and reliable leader — voters frequently mentioned that they would have voted for other parties if UMNO President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi had led the campaign. Interestingly, Zahid appears to be associated more with the federal leadership and less with the state BN machinery.

Candidates from PN and Parti Bersama Malaysia (Bersama) who were unfamiliar to voters and parachuted into the Johor polls did not significantly split the vote. The exhortations by Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) to vote on ethnic grounds fell on deaf ears. Moreover, PAS has never been accepted by Johoreans. Some Johoreans often viewed PAS dimly, citing its hypocritical stances. The voters simply selected the candidates that they felt were proven effective. In this case, it was BN.

There is a fact less known to people living outside the state: the Johor psyche is different from the rest of Malaysia. Bangsa Johor is a popular portrayal of the Johor people, created and promoted by its royal leadership. The belief is that unlike other states, all ethnicities are welcome and deemed equal citizens of the state. While PH was able to win in the 2018 state elections, its popularity subsequently faded and Johor was returned to BN in 2022.

The concept of Bangsa Johor was recently rekindled with numerous viral songs about the success of the state and its Chief Minister. The concept of “Johor Pride” is neatly summed up with lines that describe the state as having “a spirit that doesn’t stop, Johor stands tall” (dengan semangat tak akan henti, Johor terus berdiri tinggi) and about how Onn Hafiz is young but has vision, and how he ’backs up his talk with action; Johor progresses every day” (bukan sembang tapi jadi, Johor maju ‘tiap hari).

There is a fact less known to people living outside the state: the Johor psyche is different from the rest of Malaysia.

Malaysians from other states might perceive Johoreans to be egotistical and over-confident (especially in relation to their state football team) and naively devoted to their royalty. To Johoreans,  however, these are the desired indicators of success. They want their royals to stand up to politicians who seem to only manipulate people and power for their own benefit.

A good example of this is the issue of federal funds being disbursed to the state. Prior to the elections, Anwar asserted that Johor received more funding than it had contributed. The implication was that the PH-led federal government had contributed to the success of the state. The Johor Regent pushed back, and called for more of the state’s income tax revenue to be returned to speed up infrastructure development. Johoreans were also furious with federal PH politicians who asserted that their authority remained regardless of election outcomes, and who vowed to resign should their party lose. Many felt that federal politicians who campaigned in Johor spoke with condescension, as if Johor voters were ignorant and unintelligent. Post-election, PH analysts also noted these issues.

The highways and border crossings were packed on the Friday night before the polls, leaving many observers to believe that returning Johoreans would vote for PH (unlike BN, which has an extensive party machinery, PH voters need to be encouraged to turn out and vote). But the results proved otherwise. Deemed disrespectful and detached, federal PH politicians turned voters to BN, regardless of ethnicity and past political leanings, as was seen in the stunning revival of MCA and MIC seats.

Perhaps, just as in the 2018 General Elections, it was not a matter of the consolidation of Malay votes, but a protest vote against those deemed arrogant, irrelevant and ‘meddling’ in Johor affairs. The weekend poll and the subsequent Monday holiday felt like a big party in the state. Bangsa Johor accomplished its mission with little interest in what it might mean for the rest of Malaysia or upcoming national elections. This vote was only about their beloved Johor.

2026/214