Parsing the Politicking Behind the Police

On the surface, November 2024 appeared to mark a turning point in the history of the Royal Thai Police. There was a reshuffle seemingly guided by an elected Pheu Thai government under the framework of newly enacted 2022 and 2024 Police Reform laws, which were meant to establish professionalism. In reality, however, the reforms underscore overlapping and partisan police cliques gaining senior postings, with the palace retaining supremacy over the police leadership.

Political influence in police reshuffles and the police in general is nothing new in Thailand. Thai police have also long been bedevilled by allegations of corruption, including so-called “elephant tickets” (buying and selling of police positions) and rogue police involvement in criminal activities. The 2024 Police Reform law merely represents the latest chapter in a long line of attempted police reform efforts dating back to the 1980s. This latest effort, like those before it, has fallen short of addressing the deep-rooted political manipulations in police reshuffles.

The April 2024 law specifically prioritised seniority, knowledge, ability, and professionalism as requirements for promotions to maintain fairness and ensure that no person could dominate the force. But this law and its 2022 predecessor have been criticised for not going far enough. For example, the Prime Minister continues to chair the Police Commission which vets reshuffles. Inevitably, this brings politics into reshuffle decisions.

Ordinarily, police reshuffles occur on the first day of October, but only the appointment of in-coming royalist Police Gen. Kitirat Panphet as Police Commander happened on that day. With Pheu Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra overseeing the reshuffle, as helped by Thaksin ultra-stalwart Phumtham Wechayachai, several police slots were given to Shinawatra loyalists. This fact was noted by insiders who opined that the appointments represented the most partisan interference in years, though not necessarily by Pheu Thai alone. Actually, Police General Patcharawat Wongsuwan, brother of 2014-2023 Deputy Prime Minister and Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) leader General Prawit Wongsuwan, had also exercised political influence over the police during 2014-2023. Indeed, the police have always been dominated by one faction or another.

When the positions were finally announced on 21 November, they suggested a political tug-of-war between different factions. These are discernible in Table 1 (see below). The 2024 appointments show that the police, as a collection of competitive factions, are dominated by three principal groups. First, there is the clique of Commander Police Gen. Kitirat, containing approximately eight officers, which hails from pre-cadet class 25 and police academy class 41. This grouping is even more powerful because it is also the clique of royalist PPRP faction leader Captain Thammanat Prompao. Kitirat and Thammanat have a positive relationship. Second, there is the faction of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his family, which contains at least six senior police officers, headed by Police Lieutenant General Prachuap Wongsuk. Third, there is a group devoted only to the monarchy — six senior cops, including Kitirat (who is also in Thammanat’s academy class faction) and two who will in future most likely lead the police. Connected to the royalist faction is the group of Police General Suwat Jangyodsuk, a former Police Commander. Finally, there are smaller groupings (for example, that of Newin Chidchob and Anutin Charnvirakul of the Bhumjaithai Party).

When Kitirat retires as Police Commander in 2026, Deputy Commander Police Lieutenant-General Nirandorn (who will retire in 2028), the most senior officer remaining, will likely succeed him, though Inspector-General Police Lieutenant-General Thatchai (retires 2027) has a chance. Though both are arch-royalist, Pheu Thai’s influence supporting one or the other could give Thaksin sway over the police under the next commander. But whoever wins the contest could be followed by up-and-coming Police Lieutenant-General Itthiphon Achariya Pradit (who will retire in 2029), a respected veteran of the southern counterinsurgency, and in succession by palace agents Police Lieutenant-General Samran Nuanma (retiring in 2033) and Police Lieutenant-General Jirapop Puridej (retiring in 2036). This would ensure royal dominion over police for years to come. Samran previously commanded Special Operations Unit 191, which provides protection/ security for the monarch. Jirapop’s elder brother Jakrapop assists in directing the king’s Royal Security Command. Police Lieutenant-General Thanapol Srisopa, Jakrapop’s pre-cadet academy 28 classmate, is another potential future police commander.

Indeed, factionalism has persisted in the police despite attempts by reformers to destroy it. This is because factional groups’ financial linkages are simply too powerful.

Indeed, factionalism has persisted in the police despite attempts by reformers to destroy it. This is because factional groups’ financial linkages are simply too powerful. In fact, a fly in the reshuffle’s “ointment” is Police Lieutenant-General Surachate (“Big Joke”) Hakparn, a senior policeman who almost became commander in 2024. Married to a billionaire’s daughter, “Joke” has had close ties to powerful patrons, including General Prawit Wongsuwan and Thaksin. However, he is apparently not favoured sufficiently by elements within the palace. He was temporarily dismissed for malfeasance in August (his wife was also charged with theft in an unrelated incident). He has filed a counter-claim with the Supreme Administrative Court, and the judiciary is to take up to 1.5 years to render its decision. If it does so in General Surachate’s favour, he could potentially compete to succeed Kitirat in 2026 to become Police Chief. This could potentially increase Thaksin’s clout with the police. Indeed, Thaksin’s sheer political power could possibly lead the court to a judgement in favour of General Surachate.

Ultimately, Thailand’s police have been and appear destined to remain a highly politicised force. This is true, regardless of attempted reforms. The reforms, as indicated in the reshuffles, appear to be half-hearted. The 2024 reshuffles prove this to be the case. Moreover, across the next decade, the police will continue to be influenced by politicians as their patrons while the choice of police commanders will most probably have to be acceptable to royalty.

Factions and Cliques

Table 1: Senior Police Officials (2024-2025)

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