Thailand’s Persevering Police Problem

On 20 March 2024, Thai Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin temporarily transferred Police Commander Torsak Sukvimol and Deputy Police Commander Surachate Hakparin (nicknamed “Big Joke”) to inactive positions amidst allegations of Big Joke’s involvement in illegal online gambling, Torsak’s investigation of Surachate, and an apparent rift between the two. Srettha announced his decision shortly after meeting with ex-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in Chiangmai. The transfers revealed internal fissures and implied serious corruption within the Royal Thai Police. Just this week, a complaint was filed against Torsak on 1 April for alleged malfeasance while Surachate was arrested on 3 April for alleged money laundering.

The biggest surprise was Torsak’s demotion. After all, Torsak, who never studied at the Police Academy, was “exempt from criteria” since he enjoys close palace connections. His brother, Sukvimol, is the Royal Household Chamberlain. Some say that the “Elephant Ticket” preferences of Thailand’s monarchy ensured Torsak’s rapid ascent to the post of police commander. He retires on 30 September 2024.

However, Joke (pre-cadet class 31; Police Academy class, or PAC, 47) is no common cop. His police officer father was the chauffeur for Thaksin Shinawatra’s wife Pojaman’s Police Lieutenant-General father. Perhaps this chumminess with Pojaman’s family had contributed to Joke leading police security for Thaksin when the latter visited Chiang Mai in March 2024. Joke’s father was also said to be close to ex-deputy premier General Prawit Wongsuwan and politico Sanoh Thienthong. Joke, who is married to a billionaire tycoon’s daughter, has admitted to paying journalists to write favorable stories about him. He is perhaps the fastest-rising police officer in recent Thai history, already a major-general at 42 but retiring only in 2031. (The police retirement age is 60 while officers usually reach major-general rank at about 50 years of age.)

Joke retains close ties with Prawit and has been described as “Prawit’s bagman” by a security sector source who spoke to the present author. Perhaps it is no surprise that Joke continued to win promotions each year that his patron Prawit dominated Thailand’s Police Commission (2014-2019) or that Prawit’s brother Police General Pacharawat exerted influence on police reshuffles (2019-2023). Joke was demoted twice, first in 2019 because he alleged that orders “to keep a Bahraini footballer detained came from ‘above’” and then in 2020 after he opposed a police-supported 2.1 billion baht (about US$57 million) biometric identification system, perceiving it as being laden with financial irregularities.

Amidst divisive partisanship and revelations of corruption, powerful Thai political figures seem to prefer business as usual in the police since reform might harm their interests.

One interpretation is that the 2024 transfers of Torsak and Surachate ultimately help the Torsak camp. This is because following his transfer, Torsak’s acting replacement was his chum Police General Kittirat Phanpet (pre-cadet 25, a classmate of Agriculture Minister Captain Thamanat Prompao – and PAC 41). Kittirat is in turn a close friend of palace subordinate and former police commander Police General Suwat Chaenyodsuk. In this author’s view, Kittirat’s appointment guarantees continued arch-royalist influence over the police command even if Torsak is not reinstated.

Nevertheless, Joke’s revelations about police “rot” threaten powerful vested interests. In Thailand, illegal online gambling activity has reportedly led to widespread kickbacks to police officers. Allegations have emerged of shadowy police participation in a “tribute channel”, where cash ascends from periphery to centre. Monthly collections derive from unofficial “teams” representing the five regions of police administration (north, northeast, central, south, and east). The capital command allegedly derives such income from 18 illicit businesses, including underground lotteries, illegal gambling websites, prostitution, and drug profits.

In September 2023, when a suspected mafioso allegedly ordered the murder of a policeman at a party, the police mafia world of buying positions, embezzlement, and corruption was exposed. Surachate, who was then running for the post of police commander, accused his fellow police officers of neglecting to help the policeman victim. Days later, police raided Surachate’s home, stressing his links to an alleged online gambling operator nicknamed “Minnie.” Surachate then launched a lawsuit against police investigators, claiming persecution, though a senior cop tried to pressure him to “give up the legal battle.” In January 2024, Surachate had further irritated the police establishment when he alleged that police had tortured a man to confess that he had killed his wife (when he had not). Later, a policeman’s son was found guilty.

Malfeasance, torture, and forced disappearances by police officers are commonplace in Thailand because the Police Command is opaque, unaccountable, and impunitive. Moreover, it is difficult to enforce the 2023 Act on Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance. Though Joke is political, his revelations, such as the one about Police Colonel Jo Ferrari, are welcome ones that point to the need for immediate changes in police behaviour.

The new Commander Kittirat will oversee the force under the Police Act 2022, which increased salaries, facilitated complaints about police abuses, and made promotions and transfers fairer. However, the Act has faced criticism for allowing prime ministers to chair the Police Commission, thus permitting “political interference in the police force”. Kittirat will also help to enforce a 2024 decree dividing and decentralising police administration. Meanwhile, new Police Commission rules have been drafted, which will affect police appointments. (These rules will not take effect until November 2024, a month after Torsak is due to retire.)

The police factions of Srettha’s government (Shinawatra/Damapong, Chidchob, Wongsuwan) and palace will continue vying for power, which is inconducive to police reform.

Since Kittirat is part of Torsak’s faction and will retire in 2026, Kittirat might yet influence police leadership for two more years. This will be despite attempts by PM Srettha (as managed by Thaksin) to influence the Police Commission to align with the preferences of the Pheu Thai party. 

With Torsak and Surachate transferred, Srettha has promoted pro-Thaksin Police Lieutenant-General Prachuap Wongsuk (pre-cadet 24, PAC 39) as senior Deputy Police Commander. Wongsuk could become Police Commander in October but palace favourite Central Investigation Bureau Chief General Jirapop Puridej (pre-cadet 34, PAC 50, retiring in 2036) is a more likely candidate. Separately, the palace enhanced its influence by temporarily appointing 23 senior policemen as royal guards.

Powerful Thai political figures seem to prefer business as usual in the police since reform might harm their interests. Torsak and Surachate may have been sacrificed to silence critics while true reform appears ever remote.

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