Though Muhyiddin ultimately kept the post, the move revealed the internal factions within Bersatu, namely the Hamzah, Faizal Azumu, and Azmin Ali groupings which are steeling themselves for battle once Muhyiddin steps aside. (Photo by AFIF ABD HALIM / NurPhoto via AFP)

Bersatu’s Unending Crisis: No End in Sight

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Parti Pribumi Malaysia Bersatu is going through a vulnerable period, with defections by members and leadership tussles.

The past six months have been tough for Parti Pribumi Malaysia Bersatu (Bersatu). Salient events include an unusual leadership U-turn and a massive switch in allegiances among MPs. Any one of these challenges would be sufficient to destabilise a party; having both in a short period of time presents an existential crisis.

Bersatu started 2024 in the wake of a leadership quagmire. In November 2023, its president Muhyiddin Yassin made the surprise announcement that he would not be defending his post in the party election, only to retract a day later.

To analysts who see Muhyiddin as a wily operator, they say the U-turn was a tactic to test the loyalty of his allies. It is no secret that other leaders, such as Hamzah Zainuddin, Radzi Jidin, and Azmin Ali are potential contenders for the top post.

Khairy Jamaluddin, a former leader with the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), speculated that Muhyiddin was sincere about stepping down. He had tried once in early 2023 but his bid to step down was rejected by the party’s rank and file.

Though Muhyiddin ultimately kept the post, the move revealed the internal factions within Bersatu, namely the Hamzah, Faizal Azumu, and Azmin Ali groupings which are steeling themselves for battle once Muhyiddin steps aside. The prize for winning the Bersatu presidency is big: it is a stepping stone to the prime ministership, as seen during the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government in 2020. But this might change with Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) professionals like Dr Samsuri Mokhtar who have also cast an eye on the nation’s top job.

While Muhyiddin may have delayed the internal split, fissures within the party will continue to fester. Factionalism is happening on the ground, with recent claims of Selangor Bersatu being controlled by a “cartel”, implying that pro-Azmin followers are gaining ground. In the next party elections, these factions will likely surface. In fact, Muhyiddin’s U-turn may have upset members who hope for change. This would only increase the likelihood of dissent in the ranks.

One group that was unhappy with Muhyiddin’s leadership has switched allegiance to Anwar Ibrahim’s Unity Government. Since October 2023, six Bersatu MPs have declared support for Anwar. The defections occurred over four months. In October, Suhaili Abdul Rahman and Iskandar Dzulkarnain Abdul Khalid left the party. The following month, they were joined by Syed Abu Hussin, Jahari Kechik and Mohd Azizi Mohd Naim. In January, Dr Zulkafperi Hanapi defected.

Bersatu knew that the MPs exploited a legal loophole in the anti-hopping law, which requires the seat to be vacated only if the defecting lawmaker ceases to be a party member. In a deft move, the six Bersatu MPs switched allegiances to Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition but remained as party members.

Support from these MPs has boosted Anwar’s majority to 153 out of 222 MPs, and has reduced Bersatu’s MPs from 31 to 25. Syed Abu Hussin, who declared support for Anwar, warned that there were more MPs ready to switch sides. This has led to a frisson of panic among the party’s rank and file.

Bersatu knew that the MPs exploited a legal loophole in the anti-hopping law, which requires the seat to be vacated only if the defecting lawmaker ceases to be a party member. In a deft move, the six Bersatu MPs switched allegiances to Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition but remained as party members. The seats will not be vacated even if Bersatu chooses to sack them — these MPs will still hold on to their seats, as independents, with the choice of joining another party after. Even if Bersatu were to change its party constitution to trigger the anti-hopping law, the changes cannot be applied retrospectively.

The primary reason for the six MPs to switch allegiance was to secure federal allocations for their constituencies. These are not accorded to opposition constituencies. This is a long-standing tactic by governments to disadvantage opponents or to force concessions from the opposition, either in the form of a ceasefire MoU — a bipartisan cooperation on reforms to ensure political stability — or inducing opposition MPs to switch allegiance.

Beyond the need to secure financing, Syed Abu Hussin revealed that it was Muhyiddin’s leadership “refusal” to negotiate for allocations for opposition lawmakers that pushed the rogue MPs to jump ship. According to him, this was debilitating as “financial issues are indeed a big problem”. The MPs who switched prefer a non-Muhyiddin leadership, such as Hamzah Zainudin, who might be more amenable to negotiate for such allocations.

Interestingly, Bersatu MPs who switched may also see this as insurance for the next general election. Though PN gained significantly in the last general election, Bersatu MPs are keenly aware of PAS’ coalition track record of abandoning allies and forming alliances with different parties. It is also an open secret that PAS’ goal is to form a federal government and govern on its own. PAS has stated its intentions to take seats from Bersatu in Selangor, and it is likely to do so in more states.

Bersatu has tried to limit the damage, but to little avail. In March 2024, Bersatu passed a constitutional amendment to automatically terminate the party memberships of MPs who switch allegiances. Within days, a Selangor state assemblyman, Abdul Rashid Asari, declared his support for Pakatan Harapan’s Amirudin Shari in the Selangor state assembly. This is unsurprising as he made full use of a grace period before the amendment is enforceable upon the Registrar of Societies’ (ROS) approval.

Bersatu may demand that these rebel lawmakers state their allegiances after the ROS approval to trigger the effects of anti-hopping law. It might even decide to pursue legal action against them. The rebels are not safe, but they appear ready to face the consequences.

Ironically for Bersatu, the defections will not cease because the party itself was built on defections. It targeted UMNO members, including division leaders, to build its grassroots strength at the start. The party’s leaders, including Hamzah Zainuddin and Azmin Ali, were also former defectors and the chief architects of the largest defection in Malaysian history during the Sheraton Move of 2020.

Politicians who have switched allegiances in the past would likely switch again. That is why Syed Abu Hussin urged five Bersatu MPs, including Hamzah Zainuddin, Ronald Kiandee, and Mas Ermieyati Samsudin, to follow in his footsteps. These MPs are political opportunists par excellence: they left Barisan Nasional to join Bersatu; thereafter, they left Pakatan Harapan to form Perikatan Nasional.

At the heart of it, this is Bersatu’s biggest problem: the habit of defections which is hard wired into the party’s DNA. It contributes to internal factions, leadership tussles, and acts a distraction from crafting narratives and formulating policy rebuttals. It leaves Bersatu vulnerable and exposed. This state of affairs leaves Bersatu vulnerable to all parties, including its closest ally, PAS. Talk about keeping friends close and enemies closer.

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James Chai is a Visiting Fellow at ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute and a columnist for MalaysiaKini and Sin Chew Daily.