Perikatan Nasional’s Dramatic Denouement: Where to for Bersatu?
Published
The two key parties in the Perikatan Nasional coalition have parted ways. Bereft of resources, this consigns Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia to the skid row of Malaysian politics.
Up until recently, Malaysia’s political terrain on the peninsula was organised into three dominant coalitions, Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Barisan Nasional (BN) in power at the federal level, and Perikatan Nasional (PN) in opposition. PN had been looking on while the so-called Unity Government partners squabbled over whether to contest state elections jointly or separately. Now, however, PN has its own prodigious problems, with elections in Johor and Negri Sembilan mere weeks away.
PN was formed in the wake of the storied Sheraton Move in February 2020, which toppled the first PH government. The two mainstays of the coalition were the Islamist Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) and the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) offshoot Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu). The grouping’s focus has been squarely on Malay identity and Islam, but over time, it has sought to soften its edges by teaming up with the multiracial Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan) and the Malaysian Indian People’s Party (MIPP).
Up until recently, the coalition had enjoyed considerable momentum. Seen to be a less corrupt option than BN, PN garnered a substantial portion of younger voters in the 2022 general election and outperformed expectations, netting 74 parliamentary seats. In the August 2023 state elections, it dominated Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu, ceding only five seats out of 113. PN also made inroads into the PH bastion states of Negri Sembilan, Penang and Selangor.
The partnership between PAS and Bersatu worked well. The Islamist party offered its disciplined party cadres, a network of facilities such as its kindergartens and primary schools and motivated volunteers. Bersatu provided senior national-level figures such as former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin and other experienced policymakers. These national figures provided reassurance to voters and international investors that the coalition had experienced hands at the tiller.
Yet, PN’s founding members have now fallen out dramatically and decisively. On 8 June, PAS party president Abdul Hadi Awang announced that his party would no longer work with Bersatu. This was followed by two more coups de grace on 13 June. First, PAS stated that the newly-launched Parti Wawasan Negara, founded by Bersatu member Hamzah Zainudin, would be admitted into PN. Further rubbing salt in the wound, Hamzah, who was ejected unceremoniously from Bersatu, would be reinstated as the parliamentary opposition leader against the wishes of his former party.
These latest moves are the result of deep-seated fissures within Bersatu, fomented in part by PAS itself. Bersatu had been divided into two camps, one each led by Party President Muhyiddin Yassin and Secretary-General Hamzah Zainudin. PAS was more favourably disposed to the latter, given his strategic outlook and limited base of support, as opposed to the former’s higher profile and more independent nature.
In February 2026, Bersatu had its night of long knives and purged Hamzah along with many of his supporters. This amounted to 19 MPs being sacked or suspended, leaving a rump of six MPs in Bersatu proper, including Muhyiddin. These ejected MPs have now founded a new party, Parti Wawasan Negara, and the 8 and 13 June declarations have made the switch complete. In effect, Hamzah’s new outfit has taken over Muhyiddin and Bersatu’s place in PN.
Currently cast out into the wilderness, Bersatu’s options are limited. Left with a handful of MPs and largely bereft of resources, it may have to consider approaching Pakatan Harapan.
These unusual moves have raised a whole host of questions. First, if Bersatu and PAS are going their separate ways, who retains control of the PN structure and brand? Second, what would happen to Gerakan and MIPP? And, given Muhyiddin Yassin’s sway in his home state of Johor, why now?
While the legal issues surrounding the ownership of the PN brand are playing out, PAS has advanced the narrative that Bersatu had not played a constructive role and had tested the “limits of its patience”. Among its complaints have been Bersatu members’ equivocal roles in political manoeuvres to topple the Menteris Besar of Negri Sembilan and Perlis, as well as Bersatu’s decision to block the entry of new members into PN.
It is likely that these differences precipitated the rift. However, the real reasons for the rupture lie elsewhere.
First, PAS feels that Bersatu has been an under-performer. Despite its more extensive membership base and cohesive party machinery, in GE2022 PAS gave way to Bersatu by allowing the latter to run contest 83 parliamentary seats as opposed to PAS’ 62. Yet, Bersatu won 31 seats to PAS’ 43. Furthermore, prior to the GE2022 election, Bersatu had formidable financial capital which largely covered PN’s electoral costs. Now in opposition, Bersatu’s funds have been frozen.
Second, the Islamist party is seeking to expand its footprint on the Peninsula. Having largely swept the northern states, PAS has targeted Pahang, Perak and Selangor as frontline states. Unlike Gerakan, MIPP, or even the new Wawasan Negara, Bersatu has seats and an ostensible claim to run in these states. With Bersatu out of the way, PAS can dispense with the niceties and have greater freedom in choosing where to contest and what to allocate to minor partners. Given that PAS holds a single seat in Johor at present, its potential loss is a small price to pay for more seats in its priority states.
Third, in September 2025, Bersatu’s leadership irked PAS when it declared that Muhyiddin Yassin was PN’s candidate for PM. Since then, Terengganu Menteri Besar and PAS Vice-President Samsuri Mokhtar has been installed as PN’s chairman. Samsuri is a technocrat with a PhD in aeronautical engineering and was Hadi Awang’s personal secretary for no less than 10 years. Hamzah Zainudin, now shorn of a larger and more independent Bersatu, is a suitable alternative.
Currently cast out into the wilderness, Bersatu’s options are limited. Left with a handful of MPs and largely bereft of resources, it may have to consider approaching PH. The option is unwelcome and has been dismissed by party leaders, but life as a solo party in Malaysia is tough. Bersatu will have to find a new berth or risk drifting off into the sunset.
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Dr Francis E. Hutchinson is a Principal Fellow and coordinator of the Malaysia Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.
















