Generation Z Voters in Negeri Sembilan: A Basis for Introspection for Pakatan Harapan

At the recent 1 August Negeri Sembilan state elections, Barisan Nasional (BN) wrested control of the legislative assembly from Pakatan Harapan (PH). A six-week poll of Generation Z voters in the state uncovered two issues which PH would have to address going into the general elections: a communications deficit and the lack of political literacy.

The Negeri Sembilan state elections marked a major political shift. The BN coalition led by United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) staged a return to power after losing the state in 2018. BN’s victory came through an alliance with Perikatan Nasional (PN), comprising Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), Parti Wawasan, Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan) and Party Rakyat India Malaysia (Malaysian Indian People’s Party, MIPP). PH suffered significant losses, including defeats for Menteri Besar Aminuddin Harun in Linggi and Democratic Action Party (DAP) Secretary-General Anthony Loke in Chennah.

To better understand trends in Islam and Malay political attitudes among Generation Z (voters under 40 years old), the author with the assistance of some students conducted five focus group discussions (FGDs) between 15 June and 30 July 2026. Young voters were selected as the principal focus because they were widely regarded as the decisive electoral constituency in the Negeri Sembilan state election, with almost half of the electorate under the age of forty.

The FGDs were intended as a quick sense of Generation Z’s attitudes towards several issues that featured prominently throughout the election campaign. This included customary law originating from Sumatra, perceptions of the state government and broader questions of ethnic politics and Islamic identity.

The structured interview schedule explored respondents’ perceptions of the Negeri Sembilan state government under PH led by Aminuddin; their assessment of the Madani government under Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and their attitudes towards non-Muslim political candidates and leaders. The schedule also solicited their views on foreign communities, particularly the Rohingya issue; their understanding of Adat Perpatih (customary law originated from Sumatra); their perceptions of the constitutional dispute involving the Undang Berempat (the four Territorial Chiefs) and the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan and their responses to the findings of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Tabung Haji financial scandal.

A total of 60 respondents aged 18–29 participated in the study, drawn from Tampin (6), Port Dickson (6), Seremban (30), Labu (12), and Senawang (6), with FGDs conducted before and after Nomination Day. They were registered voters across Repah, Gemas, Paroi, Labu, Seri Menanti, Sikamat, Lenggeng, Seremban Jaya, Chennah, Rantau and Linggi. The participants comprised 35 women and 25 men, of whom 32 were employed respondents and 28 were students. 31 of the respondents were first-time voters.

The findings, while limited by sample size, indicate that 35 of the 36 female respondents demonstrated little or no familiarity with the major national political issues discussed during the election campaign and were unable to provide informed or coherent opinions. All 36 female participants acknowledged that their voting decisions were largely influenced by their peers or parental advice.

Similarly, 36 female Generation Z respondents reported little understanding of Adat Perpatih, the constitutional dispute, the Tabung Haji scandal or policy debates concerning foreign migrants. Although 30 respondents expressed favourable views of Menteri Besar Aminuddin and PM Anwar, they also exhibited considerable uncertainty regarding several key Madani government policies, particularly targeted fuel subsidy reforms and policies to address rising living costs.

A second, and perhaps more troubling, finding is that many respondents demonstrated only a limited understanding of Malaysia’s parliamentary democracy, party politics and contemporary political developments.

28 of the 36 female respondents believed that political leaders should be ethnic Malays and Muslims. They openly expressed their reluctance to support candidates from DAP and appeared to have internalised PAS’ negative imagery of the party.

Among the 24 male respondents, 20 expressed favourable views of both the state and federal governments, while four openly stated that they were not supporters of PH. Only four respondents indicated that they would consider voting for a non-Muslim DAP candidate. Interestingly, only one of the 60 respondents demonstrated a comprehensive understanding of Adat Perpatih and the constitutional dispute which had precipitated the dissolution of the Negeri Sembilan state government. The same respondent was also the only participant who demonstrated an informed understanding of the Tabung Haji scandal. All male respondents agreed that their political attitudes and electoral preferences were heavily shaped by political narratives disseminated through social media.

The study identifies a significant communication deficit in the federal Madani Government and the previous Negeri Sembilan state administration. A 25-year-old female respondent from Labu expressed satisfaction with employment opportunities and economic performance but feared that Malay political power was being appropriated by the Chinese community through DAP. She admitted to having limited understanding of Adat Perpatih and the leadership dispute involving Negeri Sembilan’s traditional leadership institutions. Similarly, a 28-year-old male voter from Seri Menanti accused Anwar Ibrahim’s administration of undermining Islam and the monarchy. He said that DAP was interfering with the state’s customary institutions. The findings also suggest that higher educational attainment correlates with greater tolerance towards non-Malay communities.

A second, and perhaps more troubling, finding is that many respondents demonstrated only a limited understanding of Malaysia’s parliamentary democracy, party politics and contemporary political developments. This lack of political literacy appears to have undermined the intended democratic benefits of the Undi18 initiative by creating a cohort of young voters particularly susceptible to political messaging. The study suggests that PN effectively capitalised on this informational deficit through highly coordinated social media narratives, contributing significantly to PH’s loss of Negeri Sembilan.

Taken together, these patterns — if they continue to persist — portend a bleak outlook for PH’s Generation Z voter base at the next general election.

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